IHS. MUY. RDO. PADRE NUESTRO IN CHRISTO.
[I] A los postreros de junio próximo pasado escribí a V .P. desde la Habana, dando cuenta cómo, por orden de la santa obediencia, me aprestaba para hazer esta jornada a buscar a los nuestros que vinieron a esas partes; y aunque allí escribí que, en acabando esta jornada, avía de ir a las islas de los Aĉores, porque al adelantado Pero Menéndez le era forĉoso llebar desde aquí el navío en que yo venía camino de España; pero en llegando a S. Agustín mudó parecer, porque determinó de hazer por su persona, con su armada, esta jornada, y en acabando de hazerla darme un navío en que tomasse a la isla de Cuba. Y assí a treinta de julio salimos de San Agustín con esta determinació; y deteniéndonos en Santa Elena cinco días, vinimos a esta baía de la. Madre de Dios, y traxe conmigo a los Hermanos Juan de la Carrera y Francisco de Villarreal con el hatillo que teníamos en Santa Elena, para que todos fuéssemos a la Habana a esperar orden del P. Provincial, porque ansí me mandó el P. Sedeño lo hiziesse.
[2] Llegados a esta baía, luego el Adelantado dio orden cómo fuéssemos a buscar a Alonsico, que es el mochacho que vino con el P. Baptista, del qual teníamos noticia que no lo avían muerto, de uno de los indios destas partes, que prendióo el piloto, quando vino la 2a vez, y lo traíamos con prisiones en nuestra compañía; y quedándose él con su armada en un puerto desta baía, embió una fragatilla armada con treinta soldados a un río dulce, donde desembarcaron los nuestros quando acá vinieron, que está veinte leguas deste puerto; y parecióme ir en ella llebando al indio aprisionado en mi compañía, para que nos fuesse lengua. El orden que dio el Adelantado al piloto desta fragata fue que procurasse de prender a un cacique principal de aquella ribera, tío de don Luis, con la gente principal suya que pudiesse; y en prendiíndolos, pidir que nos diessen al mochacho y que luego los soltaríamos: y assí se hizo al pie de la letra; porque en llegando dentro de una hora prendiío al cacique con cinco de los más principales que él tenía y otros ocho indios.
[3] El modo de prenderlos fue que aviendo hechado el ánchora en medio del río, que era angosto, luego acudieron indios a la ribera y entraron algunos en el navío, a los quales regalaron y les dieron algunos rescates; y como estos salieron tan contentos del navío, vinieron otros de nuevo; y a la tercera lechigada vino el cacique con sus principales; y el uno dellos traía una patena de plata, de las que llebaron los nuestros, por chaguala o joyel; y luego hecharon mano destos y los pusieron debaxo de cubierta y empavesaron la fragata y salimos hasta la boca del río, tres leguas, al remo, y en este camino mataron los soldados algunos indios que se pusieron a flecharnos y hirieron a un soldado.
[4] A la boca del río, que era muy ancho, tornamos a dar fondo a tiro de arcabuz de tierra, y vinieron canoas de indios de paz, los quales dixeron que al mochacho tenía un cacique principal, que estaba a dos jornadas de allí y estaba junto deste puerto, y que les diéssemos término para embiar por él que ellos lo traerían. Dióseles el término que pidieron y rescates para que diessen al cacique que tenía al mochacho, y estubimos allí esperándolo; y parece ser que, como supo este cacique la prisión del otro, y que tenía tan vezina la armada y la muerte de los indios, quiso ganar las gracias con el Adelantado, y no lo quiso dar para que nos lo llevassen a nuestro navío, sino embiólo a este puerto con dos indios; y es cosa maravillosa en quán breve tiempo supo el Adelantado lo que allá passaba por medio del mochacho.
[5] Como no llevaron los indios al mochacho, armáronnos una celada de muchas canoas cargadas de flecheros para dar assalto a la fragata: y primero vinieron dos canoas grandes llenas de indios, que venían cubiertos que no se veían sino dos que las governavan y dezían que nos traían hostiones; y antes que llegassen a bordo, los descubrió la centinela, y luego se apercibieron los nuestros, y los otros se retiraron; y a petición mía no mataron a los que venían governando, porque aún no estábamos ciertos si era celada o si venían de paz. Acabado el término, como no vino el mochacho, aguardamos una noche y medio día más, y luego nos hizimos a la vela con la presa; y por despedida acercóse más a tierra el piloto con la fragata, con achaque que quería hablarles, y dio una rociada de arcabuzazos a un montón de indios que estaban en la orilla del río, apiñados, donde creo que murieron hartos: lo qual se hizo sin que yo lo entendiesse hasta que estubo hecho el negocio; y con esto vinimos al puerto.
[6] Daré agora quenta a V.P. de cómo passó la muerte de los nuestros que aquí estaban, según lo refiere este mochacho. Dize que luego en llegando allá los desamparó don Luis, porque no durmió en su casa más que dos noches, ni estubo en aquel pueblo donde los Padres hizieron su assiento, más de cinco días; y luego se fue a vivir con un hermano suyo, que viví jornada y media de donde estaban los nuestros; y aviéndole embiado por dos vezes a llamar el Padre maestro Baptista con un Hermano novicio, nunca quiso venir, y quedaron los nuestros en grande afflictión, porque no tenían con quien poderse entender con los indios y sin mantenimiento, ni quien se lo comprasse; y vandeábanse, como podían, yendo a otros pueblos a rescatar maíz con cobre y latón: y desta suerte passaron hasta principio de hebrero, Y dize que el Padre Baptista cada día hazía hazer oración por don Luis, deziéndoles cómo el demonio lo traía muy engañado. Y como lo embió dos vezes a llamar y no vino, determinó de embiar al P. Quirós y al Hermano Gabriel de Solís y al Hermano Juan Baptista al pueblo deste cacique, que está preso, adonde estaba entonces don Luis, para que lo llevassen consigo, y de camino rescatassen maíz. Y el domingo después del día de la Purificación, salió don Luis a los tres que tornaban para casa con otros indios, y el don Luis dio un flechazo por el corazón al Padre Quirós: y allí mataron a los tres que fueron a llamarlo. Y luego se fue al pueblo, donde estaban los Padres, de paz y con dissimulación con otros indios muchos, y mataron a los cinco que quedaban; y el mesmo don Luis fue el que dio las primeras heridas con un machete destos que embían para rescates de indios, y acabó de matar con una hacha al Padre maestro Baptista, y luego los que con él venían acabaron de matar a los demás. Y dize este mochacho que quando vio que mataban a los Padres y Hermanos, él quiso ir entre los indios que los estaban hiriendo, para que a él también lo matassen, porque, dize, que le pareció que era mejor morir con los cristianos que vivir entre los indios solo; y que lo tomó del braĉo un cacique, hermano de don Luis, y no lo dexó ir. Y esto passó al quinto o sexto día después que mataron a los tres. Y después de muertos, dixo este mochacho al don Luis que pues los avía muerto los enterrassen; y en esto siquiera usó de misericordia con ellos, que los enterraron entrambos.
[7] Y el mochacho estubo en la mesma casa hasta quinze días; y como avía hambre en la tierra, díxole don Luis que fuessen a rescatar maíz; y assí se vino con él a este cacique, donde se quedó el mochacho por averle dicho el cacique que se quedasse con él, que él lo regalaría y ternía en cuenta de hijo: y assí lo a hecho. Y luego entre el don Luis y sus dos hermanos, que fueron en matarlos, distribuyeron la ropa toda; y no traxo otra cosa el mochacho más de las reliquias y cuentas benditas del Padre Baptista, las quales las a guardado hasta agora y nos las a entregado. Y después acá dize que a andado el don Luis muy solúcito procurando de aver al mochacho para matarlo, porque no hubiesse quien diesse nuebas de lo que a sido de los nuestros; y que por el temor que tenía a este cacique con quien el mochacho estaba, lo a dexado de hazer.
[8] Lo que el Adelantado a hecho, después de aver sabido la verdad, es que a dicho a este cacique preso que haga que le traigan a don Luis y sus dos hermanos para hazer justicia dellos; si no que la a de hazer de todos los que están presos, pues en su tierra mataron a los tres, y no pueden dexar de tener culpa en la muerte; y assí a prometido que los hará traer dentro de cinco dís; y este término estamos esperando, y no sé si, antes que se cumplan, nos embiará el Adelantado la buelta de la isla de Cuba; él dirá en España, plaziendo al Señor, lo que en ello abrá hecho. Queda esta tierra muy amedrentada deste castigo que haze el Adelantado, porque antes dezían que se dexaban matar los Españoles sin hazer resistencia; pero, como an visto lo contrario de lo que en los Padres, tiemblan y a sonado mucho este castigo en toda la tierra; y si haze este castigo será aun más sonado.
[9] Lo que e visto en esta tierra es que ay más gente que en ninguna de las que hasta agora e visto en la costa descubierta; y paréceme que viven aquí más de assiento que en ninguna de las otras partes donde yo e estado; y no estoy [497] desconfiado que, si aquí poblassen Españoles de assiento, de suerte que tubiessen occasión de temer los naturales si quisiessen hazernos daño, pordíamos predicar el sancto evangelio con más comodidad que en ninguna otra parte emos tenido; y es que tenemos este mochacho, buena lengua, que casi se le a olvidado la española, criado en la Compañía conforme a nuestro modo de vivir, y agora después de aver salido del captiverio preguntándole si quería ir con su padre (que también está aquí) o con nosotros, dixo que no quería sino irse con nosotros. Y para hazer que conserve esta lengua y no se le olvide, estoy en duda si llevaré conmigo un mancebito indio, que a venido con él, negando a sus padres y su natural por venirse con él, para que exercite la lengua en el entretanto que V.P. o el Padre Provincial otra cosa ordenaren.
[10] Lo que yo de mi parte puedo dezir a V.P. es que, juzgando V.P. en el Señor que se deva abraĉar esta empresa, si me cupiesse a mí la suerte, me ternía por muy dichoso. Bien me temo que la mesma dureza abrá en estos para convertirse, que la ay en los demás donde emos estado; y que si a de aver algún fruto, a de ser por discurso de tiempo cavando en ellos como una gotera en una piedra; pero para hazerse esto ay menos incomodidades y contradictions que en otras partes donde yo e estado: lo 1° porque la tierra es tan fría que no dará lugar para que hagan los inviernos largas ausencias de sus casas; lo 2° porque me parece que ay más gente y es más poblada de naturales esta tierra que las otras donde yo e estado.
[11] Quando fue este mochacho con don Luis, después de aver muerto a los otros, dize que dexó los ornamentos y libros y lo demás que avía, cerrado en las arcas; y después que tornó el don Luis hizieron su repartimiento; y un hermano de don Luis, dize, que anda vestido con los ornamentos de dezir missa y del altar; y el cáliz de plata me a dicho este cacique preso que lo dio don Luis a un cacique principal que está la tierra adentro; y la patena a uno destos indios que están presos; y algunas imágenes que las hechó por la calle; y entre otras llevaron los Padres un Crucifixo de vulto grande en una arca; y an dicho unos indios a este mochacho que no osan llegar a esta arca, porque tres indios que quisieron mirar lo que avía en ella, murieron allí luego; y assí dizen que la tienen cerrada y guardada. De los libros dize que le an dicho que, quitándoles las mañzuelas, los hechó en la calle y los rasgaron todos.
[12] Las otras particularidades que entendiere, si traxeren al don Luis y a sus hermanos, que los a embiado a prender el Adelantado, desde la Habana lo escribiré a V.P. quando, plaziendo al Señor, allá llegáremos.
[13] Y pues otra cosa no se me offrece que escribir, cesso encomendándome en los sanctos sacrificios y oraciones de V.P. y de todos los Padres y Hermanos de la Compañía. Dios nuestro Señor dé a V.P. su sancto spíritu para que en todo acierte a cumplir su divina voluntad.
Desta baía de la Madre de Dios de la Florida a 28 de agosto de 1572 años.
De V.P. indigníssimo hijo y siervo en el Señor,
JUAN ROGEL.
From the Bay of the Mother of God, August 28, 1572
JHS
OUR MOST REVEREND FATHER IN CHRIST,
[1] At the end of last June, I wrote to Your Paternity from Havana, telling how, under an order of holy obedience2, I made ready to make this journey in search of Ours who had come to these parts. Although I had written from there that at the end of the trip I had to go to the Isles of the Azores, because the Governor Pedro Menéndez was obliged to take the ship, in which I had come here, for the trip to Spain; nevertheless, when he reached San Agustín, he changed his plans. He decided to make this trip in person at the head of his fleet, and on completing the trip, to give me a ship in which I might go back to the island of Cuba. Thus, on July 30, we left San Agustín for this purpose, and after staying at Santa Elena for five days, we arrived at the Bay of the Mother of God. With me are Brothers3 Juan de la Carrera and Francisco de Villareal and the small store of supplies we had on Santa Elena. After this we will all go to Havana to await the order of Father Provincial4 since Father Sedeño would order me to do that.
[2] Reaching this bay, the Governor immediately ordered us to search for Alonso, the boy who came with Father Baptista. He has not died, according to what we heard from one of the Indians of this region, who was captured by the pilot on his second trip. This Indian has been brought along in chains. Anchoring the fleet in a port of this bay, the Governor sent an armed fragatilla with 30 soldiers to a fresh-water stream where Ours disembarked when they came here. This place is 20 leagues from this port. It seemed best to me to take the bound native in my company to be our spokesman. The order of the Governor was to take the uncle of Don Luis, a principal chief of that region, as well as some leading Indians. On taking them, we were to ask them to give us the boy and we would let them go. Everything happened in excellent fashion, for within an hour after our arrival, he took the chief with five of his leaders and eight other Indians.
[3] This was the method of capture. After we had anchored in the middle of the narrow stream, Indians soon appeared on the bank5 and some entered the boat. To these the Spaniards gave gifts and made some exchanges. When they left the boat very contentedly, others arrived. With a third group came the chief and his leaders; one of them wore as a decoration or trinket a silver paten that Ours had brought. At once the Spaniards seized them and forced them down into the boat, and dressing the ship, passed to the mouth of the stream 3 leagues away by oar. On the way, the soldiers killed some Indians who were trying to shoot arrows at us and had wounded a soldier.6
[4] At the mouth of the river, which was very wide,7 we anchored again an arquebus shot away from the shore. Canoes of Indians came in peace, and they said that the boy was in the hands of a leading chief who lived two days journey from there8, near this port. They asked that we give them time to send for him and bring him. This we did and we gave them trinkets to give the chief who held the boy and we stayed there waiting for him. It seems that as soon as the chief learned of the capture of the others and about the fleet and the imminent death of the Indians, he sought to curry favor with the Governor. For he did not want to let the boy be brought to our ship, but he sent him to this port with two Indians. It is a marvelous thing in how short a time the Governor learned what was happening there from the mouth of the boy9.
[5] When the Indians did not bring the boy, we fought off an ambush of many canoes loaded with archers ready to attack the vessel. First there came two large canoes filled with Indians who were so concealed that no one was seen except the two who steered and they pretended they brought us oysters10. Before they got aboard the watchman discovered them. We made ready and the others retreated. At my request, the steersmen were not fired upon, for we were still not certain whether it was an ambush or whether they came in peace. When the time was up and the boy did not come we waited for a night and further into midday and finally we set sail with our captives11. By way of farewell, the pilot steered the ship towards land with the excuse that he wanted to speak to them, and then he ordered a blast from the arquebuses12 into the group of Indians who were standing crowded together on the shore. I believe many of them were killed, and this was done without any knowledge of mine until it happened. Then we returned to this port.
[6] Now I will relate to Your Paternity how Ours who were here suffered death, as this boy tells it. After they arrived there, Don Luis abandoned them, since he did not sleep in their hut more than two nights nor stay in the village where the Fathers made their settlement for more than five days. Finally he was living with his brothers a journey of a day and a half away. Father Master Baptista13 sent a message by a novice Brother on two occasions to the renegade. Don Luis would never come, and Ours stayed there in great distress, for they had no one by whom they could make themselves understood to the Indians. They were without means of support, and no one could buy grain from them. They got along as best they could, going to other villages to barter for maize with copper and tin, until the beginning of February. The boy says that each day Father Baptista caused prayers to be said for Don Luis, saying that the devil held him in great deception. As he had twice sent for him and he had not come, he decided to send Father Quirós and Brother Gabriel de Solís and Brother Juan Baptista14 to the village of the chief near where Don Luis was staying. Thus they could take Don Luis along with them and barter for maize on the way back. On the Sunday after the feast of the Purification, Don Luis came to the three Jesuits who were returning with other Indians. He sent an arrow through the heart of Father Quirós and then murdered the rest who had come to speak with him. Immediately Don Luis went on to the village where the Fathers were, and with great quiet and dissimulation, at the head of a large group of Indians, he killed the five who waited there. Don Luis himself was the first to draw blood with one of those hatchets which were brought along for trading with the Indians; then he finished the killing of Father Master Baptista with his axe, and his companions finished off the others. This boy says that when he saw them killing the Fathers and Brothers, he sought to go among the Indians as they inflicted the wounds so that they might kill him too. For it seemed better to him to die with Christians than live alone with Indians. A brother of Don Luis took him by the arm and did not let him go. This happened five or six days after the death of the others. This boy then told Don Luis to bury them since he had killed them, and at least in their burial15, he was kind to them.
[7] The boy stayed in the same hut for 15 days. Because of the famine in the land, Don Luis told him that they should go and seek grain. Alonso came in this way with him to the chief where he remained16. The chief told the boy to stay and he would treat him well and hold him as a son. This he did. Finally Don Luis distributed the clothes of the Fathers among himself and his two brothers who shared in the murders. The boy took nothing but the relics and beads of Father Baptista which he kept till now and handed over to us. After this Don Luis went away very anxious to get hold of the boy to kill him, so that there would be no one to give details of what happened to Ours, but because of his fear of the chief with whom the boy was staying, he gave up the idea.
[8] When he had learned the truth, the Governor acted in this fashion. He told the captured chief that he must bring in Don Luis and his two brothers for punishment, and if he did not do this, the Governor would punish all those captured. Since three had been killed in that chief's lands, he could not escape blame for the murders. The chief promised that he would bring them within five days. We are waiting for this time to elapse, and I am not sure whether the Governor will send us on our trip to the island of Cuba before the time is up. He will report to Spain, God willing, whatever action he will have taken. The country remains very frightened from the chastisement the Governor inflicted, for previously they were free to kill any Spaniard who made no resistance. After seeing the opposite of what the Fathers were, they tremble. This chastisement has become famous throughout the land, and if this further one is done, it will be all the more famous.
[9] I have noticed something about this region. There are more people here than in any of the other lands I have seen so far along the coast explored. It seemed to me that the natives are more settled than in other regions I have been and I am confident that should Spaniards settle here, provided they would frighten the natives that threaten harm, we could preach the Holy Gospel more easily than elsewhere. We are keeping this boy with us. He is very fluent in the language and had almost forgotten his Spanish. After he was freed from his captivity, we asked him if he wished to be with us, or go with his father who is also here17. He said that he wanted to be with us only. In order to make sure that he retains the language and does not forget it, I am debating whether to bring along with me an Indian boy18, who has come along with Alonso, leaving his parents and home to be with him. Thus he might train in the language, unless, meanwhile, Your Paternity or Father Provincial order otherwise.
[10] For my part, I can say to Your Paternity that if it is judged in Our Lord that this enterprise ought to be begun, and if you desire that the task should fall to me, I would consider myself most fortunate. I fear that there will be the same difficulty among these people in making conversions, as has been found in the places where we have been. If there is to be some fruit here, it will have to be by wearing them away like water on a rock19. I believe there are fewer inconveniences and difficulties than in regions where I have already stayed. First, because the country is so cold, there will be no reason for long absences away from their huts in winter. Also it appears to me that there are more tribes and more natives in this region than in others where I have dwelt.
[11] When this boy was with Don Luis, following the death of the others, Don Luis left the vestments and books and everything else locked up in chests. On returning, they took up their share of spoils. He said that a brother of Don Luis is going around clothed in the Mass vestments and altar cloths. The captured chief told me that Don Luis gave the silver chalice to an important chief in the interior. The paten was given to one of those Indians we captured, while the other images were thrown away. Among other things there was a large crucifix in a chest; some Indians told this boy that they do not dare approach that chest since three Indians who wanted to see what was in it, fell down dead on the spot. So they keep it closed and protected. About the books, Alonso said that after pulling off the clasps, the Indians tore them all up and threw them away.
[12] If I should learn any other details, whether those sent out by the Governor bring in Don Luis and his companions, I will write them from Havana to Your Paternity, when, in Our Lord's pleasure, we arrive there.
[13] As I can not think of anything else to write, I close. I commend myself to the holy sacrifices and prayers of Your Paternity and of the Fathers and Brothers of the Company. God Our Lord grant Your Paternity His Holy Spirit for all success in fulfilling His Divine Will.
From the Bay of the Mother of God in Florida, August 28, 1572. Your Paternity's unworthy son and servant in Our Lord,
JUAN ROGEL
{1} The autograph is in the Archives of the Province of Toledo of the Society of Jesus, AT 1157 (2) ff. 496-497. The text is in MAF 523-530. The same letter except for minor differences in spelling is found in the Appendix of the second volume of Antonio Astrain's Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Asistencia de España, 2: 640-644. The Astrain text was translated by E. I. Devitt, S.J., in his article "Axacan: The Martyrs of the Rappahannock," 19 ACHS (1908) 1-17. Since Francis Borgia died on October 1, 1572, he probably never received this letter.
{2} Rogel had not received new orders from Sánchez or Sedeño, so that he evidently felt bound by Segura's request for supplies made known in the letter brought back by the pilot. See the Carrera Relation below, para. 49.
{3} The term "Brother" is given to those members of the Society of Jesus who are not ordained priests but serve in some temporal capacity.
{4} Father Pedro Sánchez was the provincial of the Jesuits in New Spain and the actual superior of the Florida Mission. In the absence of Father Segura, Antonio Sedeño was acting vice-provincial of Florida. Both were responsible to Father Sánchez.
{5} The news of the Spanish ships' arrival would have traveled fast up the peninsula. Therefore it is not certain that the Indians that soon appeared on the banks were from nearby villages. Upon the return of Smith from his exploration of the Chesapeake, Russell and Todkill reported that rumor of their meeting with the Masawomeekes "went faster up the river than our barge" (1 Arber 114). The behavior of the Indians in coming aboard resembles Smith's experience with the Iroquois in the upper Chesapeake: "At last, they sent two of their company unarmed in a Canowe: the rest all followed to second them, if need required. These two being but each presented with a bell, brought aborde all their fellows; presenting the captain with venison, beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrows, clubs, targets, and beare-skins"(I Arber I 17).
{6} The extreme limits of the width of the stream are suggested by the arrow incident. Smith in his "Voyages and Discoveries" (I Arber 70) estimates their range at 40 yards for accurate shooting, 120 yards at most for random shooting. Since the boat presumably kept to the middle of the current, the stream could not have exceeded 240 yards in width at that point and was probably considerably less.
{7} There were five streams on the north side of the James with wide mouths: Powhatan Creek, College Creek, Skiffe's Creek, Warwick Creek, and Deep Creek. The second is preferred for the reasons given in Part III.
{8} Kecoughtan was about two days' journey (30 miles) from College Creek. In the excitement the distance was probably covered in one day.
{9} The chief did not give the boy to Rogel's exploring party, but sent him directly to the Governor's ship.
{10} The strategy employed is typical of the Virginia Algonkin. Smith's barge was attacked on the Rappahannock by Indians advancing under cover of tree branches, reminiscent of Shakespeare's Birnam Wood. Each boat could have concealed as many as forty men. However, it is possible that the mercurial Indians were in good faith. Archer relates that Indians followed his party along the shore of the upper James for 6 miles with dried oysters which they offered in trade (I Arber xlii). We cannot determine from the sale of oysters how far inland was the narrow stream entered by the Spanish. Oyster beds are found in both salt and brackish water, but not above College Creek.
{11}The setting sail suggests emergence into the estuary of the James, where sails became more practical than oars.
{12}It may be significant to note here that the Indians were apparently unafraid of the Spanish ships and arquebuses, probably from lack of experience with them. Perhaps memories of this experience lasted long enough to cause Wingfield to say in "A Discourse of Virginia," "They feare much our shipps" (I Arber lxxvi).
{13} It was customary in the early days of the Society of Jesus to retain the title of Master, Doctor, or Licentiate if one possessed the academic degree. Father Segura was a Master of Theology.
{14} Brother Juan Baptista Menéndez (or Méndez).
{15} We do not know exactly the method of burial. If Don Luis followed his tribal instincts, he would probably have performed the task as Smith describes it in the case of ordinary burials: "...they digge a deep hole in the earth with sharpe stakes; and the corp[s]es being lapped in skins and mats with their iewels, they lay them vpon sticks in the ground, and so couer them with earth" (I Arber 75).
{16} It is reasonable to suppose that Alonso would have made his way toward the entrance of the bay, hoping against hope for a rescue by a Spanish ship, trying to put distance between himself and Don Luis' associates. Thus in any supposition concerning the site of the Jesuit settlement, it is feasible that Alonso would have ended up among the peaceful Kecoughtan near Point Comfort. Smith too found corn at Kecoughtan in his necessity. Don Luis may have employed Alonso to carry extra baskets of corn, while Alonso seized the occasion to break away from Don Luis.
{17} In the margin Rogel added: "En esto me e engañado, porque se a estragado mucho después que a vivedo solo entre indios, ni quiere estar con nosotros, no conviene." ("I was deceived in this respect, since he has been quite spoiled after living alone with the Indians. He does not want to be one of us, he is not suitable.")
{18} In the margin was written: "No lo traxe conmigo, porque lo lleve el Adelantado a España." ("I have not taken him with me because the Governor is taking him to Spain.")
{19} Father Rogel's remarks on the need of force and patience recall the statement of Smith: "It is more easy to ciuilize them by conquest then faire meanes; for the one may be had at once, but their ciuilizing will require a long time and much industry." That Rogel's methods would have been not only firm but fair is quite clear from his Florida letters.