SPONSORED BY The Jamestown-Yorktown Foundation The National Endowment for the Humanities The Newberry Library and The Institute of Early American History and Culture

Edited by Philip L. Barbour VOLUME III

The Institute of Early American History and Culture is sponsored jointly by The College of William and Mary and The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation.

Preparation of these volumes was made possible in part by a grant from the Research Materials Program of the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency.

In addition to the major sponsorship of the agencies listed on p. ii, editorial work on these volumes was assisted also by grants from the Jennings Charitable Trust, the Jane and Dan Gray Charitable Foundation, and the Sterling Morton Charitable Trust.

© 1986 The University of North Carolina Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Smith, John, 1580–1631.

The complete works of Captain John Smith (1580– 1631) Bibliography: p. Includes index.

1. Virginia — History — Colonial period, ca. 1600– 1775 — Collected works. 2. New England — History — Colonial period, ca. 1600–1775 — Collected works. 3. America — Discovery and exploration — English — Collected works. I. Barbour, Philip L.

II. Institute of Early American History and Culture (Williamsburg, Va.) III. Title. F229.S59 1986 975.5′02 81–10364 ISBN 0-8078-1525-X AACR2

VOLUME III

1626

Some years ago the editor called attention to "the Present occasion" mentioned in the dedications to Smith's Accidence. This occasion was the break with Spain in 1624 that began England's involvement in the Thirty Years' War (1618–1648). Further background is now needed to supplement the paragraphs already published.1

Toward the end of summer 1614, when clouds were beginning to gather around King James's favorite, Robert Carr, earl of Somerset, a young man named George Villiers, aged twenty-two, was presented at court, more or less by the cloud makers. George was lively, intelligent, and unusually good-looking. Despite Somerset's opposition, Villiers was made a gentleman of the bedchamber and knighted in the spring of 1615. Shortly thereafter he was created Viscount Villiers and Baron Waddon, with a grant of land valued at eighty thousand pounds to support him. Then in January 1617 George Villiers was made earl of Buckingham, and a year later he was raised to marquis. Not yet twenty-six, he had become the second-richest nobleman in England.

About this time, King James, in financial trouble again, commanded the appointment of a commission to examine the abuses made in his administrative departments, especially in the navy. For more than thirty years the lord high admiral had been Charles Howard, earl of Nottingham, and during that time, whether it was his other duties or his easygoing nature, the navy had slipped from deterioration into sheer chaos. Since Villiers, or Buckingham, had already shown interest in that branch, it was not long after the commission got to work in March 1618 that he moved to oust Nottingham, fifty-five years his senior. John Chamberlain put the story this way, in a letter dated October 24: "Yt is geven out that he [Buckingham] hathcompounded with the old Admirall for a goode round summe of redy monie, and 3000li yearly pension during his life, and after his decease 1000li to his Lady and 500li to his eldest sonne by her."2 Be that as it may, Buckingham was made lord high admiral of England in January 1619.

Meanwhile, Henry Mainwaring (pronounced Mannering) of Ightfield, Shropshire (1587–1653), ardently anti-Spanish, had been favorably noticed as a seaman by the same Nottingham and allowed to sail as a privateer, to pillage Spaniards only. A graduate of Oxford, where he had studied under John Davies of Hereford,3 Mainwaring had wanted to sail to modern Iran, but was prevented by an embargo brought about by the Spanish ambassador in London. This move pushed Mainwaring over the line into outright piracy, but he made a private covenant with himself that he would never molest English shipping or English cargoes. For three years he pursued this career with fabulous success in Mediterranean waters as well as on the Atlantic. But at last, after some preliminaries, in June 1616 James I pardoned him under the Great Seal of England, on condition that he return and "give up the trade."

There was an interlude from 1617 to 1619 during which Mainwaring was knighted and played an important part in the establishment of English sea power in the Mediterranean. Then, in a sense foiled, he again returned to England. This is where the story of Smith's Accidence begins to take shape.

In 1620 Mainwaring was appointed lieutenant of Dover Castle and deputy warden of the Cinque Ports. In addition, he became active in the Virginia Company. But most important of all, he set to work on his "Nomenclator Navalis," later to be known as "The Seaman's Dictionary." That this work was completed in all its essentials by May 17, 1623, is attested by the surviving manuscript copy dedicated "To the right Honorable the Marquis of Buckingham ... My most honored Lord and Patron."4 Buckingham was raised to the dukedom on May 18.

As we know, Smith's Generall Historie was entered for publication in July 1624. A month before, King James's government had signed a treaty to aid the Dutch republic in their renewed war with Spain, but news had just reached London (and promptly been hushed) of the "massacre of Amboina" in the Moluccas, where ten English merchants had been put to death by command of the Dutch governor there. Despite the efforts at concealment by the government in London, word got out before the end of the year and caused a violent sensation,5 which can hardly have been allayed by subsequent reports of Dutch activities in the great bay of New York. With the prospect of increased naval war, general interest in ships grew rapidly. Englishmen wanted to know not just how to sail them, not just how to man them, but how they were built and what seamen ought to know.

Smith had already shown some competence in exploring and surveying by sea. He had become known in mercantile circles in the West Country as well as in London. And in groups of ready listeners he had caught the ear of adventurers (or those who would be) with tales of his early experiences in the Mediterranean and on the broad Atlantic. Someone, we may surmise, who had perhaps only heard of Mainwaring's "Dictionary," suggested to Smith that he ought to write a book about ships. That sort of thing had happened with the Generall Historie — someone else had an idea, and Smith wrote a book. Now, Smith listened again and took the hint. The result was the nearly unreadable collection of lists of seamen's terms that constitutes the Accidence.

Part of this account of the origins of the Accidence is only hypothetical. But the bare facts are easily listed: Smith's Historie was finished in 1624; by 1624 one or more manuscript copies of Mainwaring's "Dictionary" were in circulation; and between then and the day the Accidence was entered for publication late in 1626, Robert Bertie, Lord Willoughby, Smith's personal friend, was in charge of an important expedition with few trained sailors and without any handbook for beginners. Smith wrote that he had "beene perswaded" to print the Accidence.6 If the persuader was not Willoughby, some other person saw the need. Once the rough sketch was published, we know that "some other person," Sir Samuel Saltonstall, did see the need,7 and the next year the Sea Grammar, a perfected version of the Accidence, was published.

The Accidence is little more than an omnium gatherum of names for the appurtenances and people that make up a ship and her crew. The applicability of these names to the things involved is aided by the broad groups into which they are divided. But Smith also here and there introduces terms out of place and at least once starts to say something he does not finish. A reader gets used to that with Smith. In the Accidence, however, there is some evidence that Smith may not have written a final text, but perhaps dictated it to a copyist from hastily scribbled notes made while on board one ship or another. Since the printer's copy seems to have been pushed through the press with some speed, it may be that Smith did not have time (or perhaps inclination) to go through the scrivener's manuscript thoroughly. Or, if he did take that trouble, he may not himself have known how to spell some of the more unusual words he heard. In his day, a handy dictionary was unknown.

For further information on the Accidence, the reader is asked to turn to the editor's Introduction to the Sea Grammar, where Smith's debt to Sir Henry Mainwaring is outlined and other contemporary works of similar nature are mentioned and briefly discussed.

1. Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, 1964), 376–377.

2. Norman Egbert McClure, ed., The Letters of John Chamberlain (Philadelphia, 1939), II, 173.

3. See the Description of N.E., A1v, and the Biographical Directory.

4. Sir Henry Mainwaring, "The Seaman's Dictionary," in G. E. Manwaring and W. G. Perrin, eds., The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring (Navy Records Society, LIV, LVI [London, 1920, 1922]), II, 81.

5. See Samuel Purchas's "A Note touching the Dutch," prefixed to Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London, 1625), I, 1.

6. See below, sig. A2r.

7. True Travels, sig. A2v.

AN ACCIDENCE OR The Path-way to EXPERIENCE.

Necessary for all Young Sea-men, or those that are desirous to goes to Sea, briefly shewing the Phrases, Offices, and Words of Command, Belonging to the Building, Ridging, and Sayling, a Man of Warre; And how to manage a Fight at Sea.

Together with the Charge and Duty of every Officer, and their Shares:

Also the Names, Weight, Charge, Shot, and Powder, of all forts of great Ordnance, With the use of the Petty Tally.

Written by Captaine John Smith some- times Governour of Virginia, and Admirall of New ENGLAND.

LONDON: Printed for Jonas Man, and Benjamin Fisher, and are to be sold at the signe of the Talbot, in Aldersgate streete. 1626.

["Accidence" in this context means "rudiments"; the term was originally used for books of grammar. Smith's title was clearly inspired by Gervase Markham's The Souldier's Accidence., which had been entered for publication Jan. 3, 1625/1626 (see the Biographical Directory). In the eighth line, "Offices" most likely meant "functions." In line nine there is a printer's error; "Ridging" should have been printed "Rigging." The printer was very likely confused with "ridging," covering the ridge of a roof.

The editor is grateful to The John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island, for permission to reproduce this title page.]

Right Honorable:

In regard of the Present occasion, for the Arte of Navigation, and many young Gentlemen and Valiant spirits of all sorts, do desire to trye their Fortunes at sea: I have beene perswaded to Print this discourse, being a subject I never see writ before.1 Not as an instructi- ∥on to Marriners nor Sailors, whom I intreate rather amend it, then condemne it, confessing it might be a taske for a most excellent Sea-man; But as an intraduction for such as wants experience, and are desirous to learne what belongs to a Sea-man;2 for the advansing of that incomparable faculty, seeing you are in place, both of power and Authoritie; I most humblie present it to Your Honors Considerations: No more but sacring all my best abillities to the exquisite Judgement of your renowned Vertues, I ever rest

Your Lordships ever most humbly devoted, John Smith.

N.B. Page references to Smith works in the notes refer in all instances to the page numbers of the original editions, which are in boldface numerals in brackets in the margins.

1. Cf. Sir Henry Mainwaring, "The Seaman's Dictionary," in G. E. Manwaring and W. G. Perrin, eds., The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring (Navy Records Society, LIV, LVI [London, 1920, 1922]), II, 85 (hereafter cited as Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary"): "To understand the art of navigation is far easier learned than to know the practice and mechanical working of ships. ... There are helps for the first by many books, ... but for the other, till this, there was not so much as a means thought of, to inform anyone in it." That Smith had not seen a manuscript copy of Mainwaring before Oct. 23, 1626, seems highly probable.

2. See the dedication to Sir Robert Heath printed immediately after this dedication; the lines following are there changed and expanded, but the preceding type has not been disturbed.

Right Worshipful:

In regard of the Present occasion, for the Arte of Navigation, and many young Gentlemen and Valiant spirits of all sorts, do desire to trye their Fortunes at sea: I have beene perswaded to Print this discourse, being a subject I never see writ before. Not as an instructi- ∥ on to Marriners nor Sailors, whom I intreate rather amend it, then condemne it, confessing it might be a taske for a most excellent Sea-man; But as an intraduction for such as wants experience, and are desirous to learne what belongs to a Sea-man; although it be a subject, wherin it may be you have had little practise; yet I intreate You accept it as a token of my love, peradventure it may pleasure some of Your Friends inclined that Way: No more but sacring all my best abillities to the exquisite Judgement of your renowned Vertues, I ever rest

3. This "cancel," or substitute leaf, appears in a single surviving copy (John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island), where it replaces the dedication to "All The Right Honorable And most Generous Lords. ..." The only difference between the two dedications lies in the passage on the verso mentioned in A2vn, above.

Your Lordships ever most humbly devoted, John Smith.

Worthy Readers:

How ever your perfections may censure my imperfections, I know not, my greatest error in this is but a desire to do good, which disease hathever haunted mee since my child-hood, and all the miseries and ingratitudes I have indured, cannot yet divert me from that resolution: As both Europe, Asia, Affri- ∥ ca, and America can partly witnesse, if all their extremities hathtaught me any thing, I have not kept it for my owne particuler, I know well I am blamed for not concealing that, that time and occasion hathtaught mee to reveale, as at large you may read in the life of Sigismundus Bathor, Prince of Transilvania, writ by his Secretary Francisco Fernezsa.5 New Englands Trialls With the Generall History of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles, that the most of those faire plantations did spring from the fruites of my adventers6 and discoveries is evident, although their returnes as yet doth not answere the worlds expectation, nor my desire; yet how they have proceeded every yeare since their first originall, to this present, by the Maps therein, you may plainly see the Discriptions of the Countries by the Story, what they are, what good they might be to this Kingdome, how they have bin used and abused, how the defects might be amended, the Planters made happy, God and the King well pleased and served, and all the Honorable and worthy Adventurers contented: Whatsoever malice or ignorance can feigne to the contrary, ∥ for this small Pamphelet,7 if I find you kindly and friendly accept it. I meane ere long, more largely to explaine the particulers: So I rest,

4. "Assistance" here means "Assistants." Trinity began as a medieval fraternity of seamen and pilots. Located at Deptford near the mouth of the Thames, it developed a special responsibility for the training of Thames pilots and the charting of the river. Henry VIII gave it a charter c. 1514, which conferred on it some authority in arbitrating maritime disputes. It exerted considerable influence on coastal navigation, especially pilotage.

5. For discussion of the numerous questions surrounding Smith's reference to this biography of Zsigmund Báthory, see the editor's Introduction to Fragment J, below. In the present text, the sentence immediately following "Fernezsa" is garbled, but Smith seems to mean simply that readers of New Englands Trials and of the Generall Historie will get the true story about Smith's contributions to New World colonization.

6. "Adventures"; variant spelling.

7. An antiquated spelling of "pamphlet," even in John Smith's day.

To Christ and my Country a true Souldier, and faithfull Servant, John Smith.

THE Captaines charge1 is to commaund all, and tell the Maister to what Port he will go, or to what height.2 In a fight he is to give direction for the managing thereof, and the Maister is to see to the cunning3 the Ship, and trim- ∥ ming the sailes. The Captains charge.

The Maister and his Mate is to direct the course, commaund all the Saylors, for steering, trimming and sayling the Ship, his Mates are onely his Seconds, allowed sometimes for the two Mid-ships men, that ought to take charge of the first prize.4 The Maister and his Mates.

The Pilot when they make land, doth take the charge of the Ship till he bring her to Harbour. The Pilot.

The Cape-merchant and Purser haththe charge of all the Caragasoune5 or Merchandize, and the Purser doth keepe an Account of all that is received and delivered, but a Man of Warre hathonely a Purser. The Cape-merchant and Purser.

The MaisterGunner haththe charge of the Ordinances, Shot, Powder, Match, Ladles, Spunges, Cartrages,6 Armes and Fire-workes, and the rest every one to receive his charge from him according to directions, and to give an account of his store. The Gunner with his Mate, and quarter Gunner.

The Carpenter and his Mate is to have the Nayles, Clinches, rove7 and clinch-nailes, spikes, plates, rudder-irons, called pintels and gudgions, pumpe-nailes, skupper-nailes and leather,8 sawes, files, hatchets and such like, and ever ready for calking, breaming, stopping leakes, fishing or spliceing the Masts or Yards, as occasion requireth, and to give an account of his store. The Carpenter and his Mate.

The Boteswaine is to have the charge of all the Cordage, tackling, sailes, fids, and marling spikes, needles, twine, and saile-cloth, and rigging the shippe, his Mate the command of the long boate, for the setting forth of Anchors, waying and fetching home an Anchor, warping, towing, and moreing, and to give an account of his store. The Boteswaine and his Mate. The Chyrurgion and his Mate.

The Chirurgion is exempted from all duty but to attend the sicke, and cure the wounded, and good care Would be ∥ had, he have a certificate from the Barber-surgions Hall9 of his sufficiency, and also that his Chest bee well furnished both for Physicke and Chyrurgery, and so neere as may bee proper for that clime you goe for, which neglect hathbeene the losse of many a mans life.

The Marshall is to punish offendors, and to see Justice executed according to directions, as ducking at Yards arme, hawling under the Keele, bound to the Capsterne,1 or maine Mast with a basket of shot about his necke, setting in the bilbowes, and to pay the Cobty or the Morryoune.2 But the Boyes, the Boteswaine is to see every Munday at the chist to say their Compasse,3 which done, they are to have a quarter can, and a basket of bread. The Marshall.

The Corporall is to see the setting and releeving the watch, and see all the souldiers and saylors keepe their Armes cleane, neate and yare,4 and teach them their use. The Corporal.

The Steward is to deliver out the victuall, according to the Captaines directions, and messe them 4, 5, or 6, as there is occasion. The Steward and his Mate.

The quarter Maisters haththe charge of the hold for stowage, rommageing, and trimming the shippe, and of their squadrons for their Watch, a Sayne, a Fisgigg, a Harping iron, Fish-hookes, for Porgos, Bonetos, or Dorados, etc. and rayling lines for Mackerell. The quarter Maisters.

The Cowper is to looke to the caske, hoopes and twigges, to stave or repaire the buckets, Baricoes, Cans, steepe-tubs, runlets, hogsheads, pipes, buts, etc. for wine, beere, syder, beverage, fresh water, or any liquor. The Cowper and his Mate. The Coxeswaine and his Mate.

The Coxswaine is to have a choyce gang to attend the Skiffe to go to and againe as occasion commandeth. The Cooke and his Mate.

The Cooke is to dresse and deliver out the Victuall, he hathhis store of quarter cans, small cannes, platters, spoones, lanthornes, etc. and is to give ∥ his account of the remainder.

The Swabber is to wash and keepe cleane the ship and maps. The Swabber.

The Lyer is to holde his place but for a weeke, and hee that is first taken with a lye, every Monday is so proclaimed at the maine Mast by a generall cry, A lyer, a lyer, a lyer, he is under the Swabber, and onely to keepe cleane the beake-head and chaines. The Lyer.

The Saylers are the antient men for hoysing the sailes, getting the tackes aboord, hawling the Bow-lines, and steering the ship. The Saylers.

The Younkers5 are the yong men called Fore-mast men, to take in the Top-sayles, or Top and yeard, Furle, and Sling the maine Saile, Bousing or Trysing,6 and take their turne at Helme. The Yonkers.

The Lieuetenant is to associate7 the Captaine, and in his absence to execute his place, he is to see the Marshall and Corporall doe their duties, and assist them in instructing the Souldiers, and ∥ in a fight the Forecastle is his place, to make good, as the Captaine doth the halfe decke, and the quarter Maisters the midships, but in the States men of Warre he is allowed as necessary as a Lieuetenant on shore.8 The Lieuetenant.

When you set sayle and put to sea, the Captaine is to call up the company, and the one halfe to goe to the Starreboord, the other to the Larboord, as they are chosen, the Maisterchusing first one, then his mate another, and so forward till they bee devided in two parts, then each man is to chuse his Mate, Consort, or Comrado, then devide them into squadrons according to your numbers and burthen of your ship: but care would be had, that there be not two Comorados upon one watch, because they may have the more roome in their Cabons to rest. How to devide the Company.

To1 give a true Arithmeticall and Geometricall proportion for the building of ships, were they all built after one ∥ mould, as also of their Yeards, Masts, Cables, Cordage and Sayles, were all the stuffe of like goodnesse, a methodicall rule might bee Projected, but it would bee too curious for this Discourse, and as much too troublesome either for the Reader or Author, but the principall names of the timbers about the building of a ship, according to his understanding followeth, and how being framed they are fixed. The Principall names of the timbers about the building a ship.

First lay the Keele,2 the Stemme, and Starne, in a dry docke, or uppon the stockes, and binde them with good knees, then lay all the Flore timbers, and cut your Limber holes above the keele, to bring the water to the well for the pumpe. Next your Navell timbers, and bind them all with sixe foote Skarfe at the least, the Garbell strake is the outside plancke next the keele, be sure you have a good sufficient Kelson, and then plancke your outside and inside up, with your Top timbers, but the ∥ lengthes, breadthes, depthes, rakes and burdens are so variable and different, that nothing but experience can possibly teach it.

A Shippe3 of 400. Tunnes requires a planke of foure inches, 300. Tunnes three inch, small Ships two inch, but none lesse. For clamps, middle bands and sleepers, they be all of 6. inch planke for binding within. The rest for the sparring up of the workes of square 3. inch planke; Lay the beames of the Orlope, if she be 400. Tunnes at ten foote deepe in howle, and all the beames to be bound with two knees at each ende, and a standard knee at every beames end upon the Orlope, all the Orlope to be layd with square three inch plancke, and all the planckes to be treenailed to the beames. Notes for a Covenant betweene the Carpenter and the Owner.

Sixe foote would bee betweene the beames of the Decke and Orlope, and ten ports4 on each side upon the lower Orlope, all the binding betweene them ∥ should be with three inch, or two inch plancke, and the upper Decke should be layd with so many beames as are fitting with knees to bind them; laying that Decke with spruce deale of 30. foot long, the sap cut off, and two inches thicke, for it is better then any other.

Then for the Captaines Cabben5 or great Cabben, the stearage, the halfe Decke, the round house, the Fore-castle and to binde an ende with a Capsterne and all things fitting for the Sea, the Smiths worke, the carving, joyning, and painting excepted, are the principall things I remember to be observed.6 For a Charter-party betwixt the Merchant, the Maisterand the Owner, you have Presidents of all sorts in most Scriveners shops.

A dry Docke,7 the stockes, the keele, the steme, the sterne, the starne-post, the flowre,8 the sleepers, rising timbers, garble strake,9 her rake, the fore reach, plankes, bindings, knees, boults, truni- ∥ ons, brasers, riders, the Orlope, the ports, the bend, the bowe, the hawse, the hawses, the decke, the partners, a flush decke, fore and aft, the ram heads, the Knights, a halfe decke, a quarter decke, the bulke, the bulkes head, the skuttle, the hatches, the hatches way, the holes in the commings, pitch, tarre, rosen, okum, calking. In the stearage roome, the whip, the bittakell, the travas boord, the Compasse, the Fly, the needle, the lanthorne, the socket. About the Gun-roome, the Tiller, the rudder, the pintels, the gudgions, the bread-roome, the ships runne.10 The powder-roome, the Stewards roome, the cooke roome, the great cabbon, the gallery, a cabben, a hanging cabben, a Hamacke,1 the lockers, the round-house, the counter, the wayst, the wayst-boords, the gunwayle, stations for the nettings, a chaine through the stations, or brest-ropes. Generall sea termes belonging to ships. What belongs to the Pumpe.

The Pumpe, the pumpes well, the ∥ pumpes brake, the pumpes can, the pumpes chaine, the spindle, the boxe, the clap, the pumpe is choaked, the pumpe suckes, the ship is stanche.2

The forecastle, or prow, the beake-head, the bits, the fish-hooke, a loufe hooke, and the blocke at the Davids3 ende, the Cat, Cats head and Cats holes, the ships draught. What belongs to the fore castle.

The boule spret,4 the pillow, the sturrop, the spret sayle, the spret sayle yeard, the spret sayle top mast, the spret sayle top sayle yard, the foremast, the fore yard, the fore top, the fore top mast, the fore top sayle yard, the fore top gallant mast, the fore top gallant sayle yeard, coates and wouldings5 for all masts and yeards, Grummets and staples for all yeards. The trussell trees or crosse trees, the maine mast, the step in the kelson, where it puts its heele, as doth also the fore mast, the maine yard, the maine top, the maine top mast, the maine top sayle yeard, the top gallant ∥ mast, the maine top gallant sayle yeard, the truck, or flagge staffe. The misen, the misen yeard, the misen top mast, the misen top sayle yeard, in great ships they have two misens, the latter is called the boneaventuer misen, then the poope, Lanthorne and flagge staffe: when a mast is borne by the boord, they make a Jury-mast, which is made with yards, rouftrees, or what they can, splised or fished together. The Masts, Caps and Yeards.

The Capsterne, the pawle, the whelps, the capsterne bars, a Jeare capsterne is onely in great ships to hoyse their sayles, the canhookes, slings and parbunkels, ports and ringbolts and hooks, the skuppers, the skupper holes, the chaines, the steepe tubs, an entring ladder or cleats, a boy, a can boy, a ship cranke sided, Iron sicke, spewes her okum, a leake ship, the sheathing, furring, carrying, washing and breaming, lanching, carving, guilding and painting a ship, ballast, kintlage,6 canting ∥ coynes, standing coynes, roufe trees, a grating, netting or false decke for your close fights. The capsterne and other generall phrases.

The entring rope, the boate rope, the bucket rope, the boy rope, guest rope, the cat rope, the port ropes, the keele rope, the rudder rope, the top ropes, the bolt ropes, the brest ropes are now out of use, the water line is.7 The ropes names in a ship.

The tacklings8 are the fore stay, the maine stay. The tackles, the mison stay, the collers, the maine shrouds and chaines, the maine top shroudes, the fore shroud, the fore top shroud, the swifters, the mison shroudes, the mison top shroudes, and their ratlings, and the parels to all masts, the maine hallyards, the maine top sayle hallyards, the top gallant saile halyards, the fore hallyards, the fore top sayle hallyard, the misen hallyard, and the spret sayle hallyeard, the horse, the maine sheats, the maine top sayle sheats, the maine braces, the maine top sayle ∥ braces, the maine bowling and bridles, the maine top sayle bowlin, the bunt lines, the trusses, the lifts, the earring, the cat harpings; a Jeare, leatch lines; the Robins, garnit, Clew garnits, tyes, martlits, the most of all these are also belonging to the fore mast, misen and bowlespret, and haththe same denomination after their masts, only the boulespret hathno bow lines, and the misen sheats are called the starne sheats, they have all of them pullies, blockes, shivers and dead mens eyes, Lanyeards, caskets and crowes feete. A snap blocke is seldom used but in heaving of goods and ordinances. Concerning the tackling and rigging a ship.

There is also diverse other small cordage, as head lines, the knavlings,9 gassits or furling lines, marlines, rope yearne, Caburne, Sinnet, paunches and such like.

The Cables,1 hawsers or streame cables, are most used in the water by the Anchors, when they are too short, ∥ they shoote one into another, when they are galled or breake, they splice them, when that way unserviceable, they serve for Junkes, fendors and braded plackets for brests of defence, and then as the rest of the overworne tackling: for rope yarne,2 caburne, sinnit an okum, sheeps feet is a stay in setling a top mast, and a guie in staying the tackles when they are charged with goods.

The Anchor hatha stocke, a ring, a shanke, a flouke, the greatest in every ship is called the sheat Anchor, the rest Anchors, a streame Anchor, graplings or kedgers, bend your cables to your Anchors. Tearmes for the Anchors.

The maine sayle, the fore sayle called sometimes the fore course, the maine course or a paire of courses, each of them hatha bonnet and a drabler, the maine top sayle, the top gallant sayle, and in a faire gaile your studding sayles, then your mison, your misen ∥ top sayle, your spret sayle, and spret sayle top sayle, a drift sayle, a cros-jack, a netting sayle, twyne, a munke seame, a round seame, a suite of sayles, a shift of sayles, top Armours, wayst clothes, pendants and colours.3 The names of the sailes.

A channell,4 a bay, a rode, a sound, an offen, a cove, a crike, a river, cleere ground, very fast ground, or good anchoring, foule ground, osie ground, sandy ground, clay ground, a headland; a furland; a reach; a land marke. The tearmes for the harbor.

A calme,5 a brese, a fresh gaile, a pleasant gayle, a stiffe gayle, it overblowes, a gust, a storme, a spoute, a loume gaile, an eddy wind, a flake6 of wind, a Turnado, a monthsoune, a Herycano. For the winds.

A calme sea, becalmed, a rough sea, an overgrowne sea, the rut of the sea, roaring of the sea, it flowes, quarter floud, high water, or a still water, a full sea, a spring tide, ebbe, a quarter ebbe, halfe ebbe, three quarters ebbe, a lowe water, a dead low water, a nepe tide, a ∥ shoule, a ledge of rockes, a breach, a shallow water, deepe water, soundings, fadome by the marke, 3. o d. and a shaftment lest. 4. o d. disimboage,7 a gulph, the froth of the sea. Tearmes for the sea.

Starbord is the right hand,8 Larbord is the left, starboord the helme, right your helme a loufe, keepe your loufe, come no neere, keepe full, stidy, so you goe well, port, warre,9 no more; beare up the helme, goe roumy, be yare at the helme, a fresh man at the helme. Tearmes for stearing.

A sayle,1 how stands she, to windward or leyward, set him by the Compasse, he stands right a head; or on the weather bow, or ley bow, out with all your sayles, a stydy man to the helme, sit close to keep her stydie. Give chase or fetch him up, he holds his owne, now we gather on him, out goeth his flag and pendance or streames,2 also his Colours, his wast-clothes and top armings, he furles and slings his maine saile, in goes his spret sayle and misen, he makes rea- ∥ dy his close fights fore and after; well, we shall reach him by and by. What is all ready? Yea, yea. Every man to his charge, Dowse your top sayle, salute him for the sea; Hale him: whence your ship, of Spayne, whence is yours, of England, are you Merchants or Men of Warre, We are of the Sea. He wayves us to leyward for the King of Spaine, and keepes his loufe. Give him a chase peece, A broad side, and runne a head, make ready to tacke about, give him your sterne peeces, be yare at helme, hale him with a noyse of Trumpets. We are shot through and through, and betweene winde and water, trye the pumpe. Maisterlet us breathe and refresh a little, sling a man over-boord to stop the leake, done, done, is all ready againe, Yea, yea: beare up close with him, with all your great and small shot charge him; Boord him on his wether quarter, lash fast your graplins and sheare off, then runne stemlins the 3 ∥ mid ships. Boord and boord, or thwart the hawse; we are foule on each other: The ships on fire; Cut any thing to get cleere, and smother the fire with wet clothes, We are cleere, and the fire is out, God be thanked. The day is spent, let us consult. Surgion looke to the wounded, wind up the slaine, with each a waight or bullet at his head and feete, give three peeces for their funerals. Swabber make cleane the shippe. Purser record their names; Watch bee vigilant to keepe your berth to windward: and that wee loose him not in the night. Gunners spunge your Ordinances; Souldiers skower your peeces; Carpenters about your leakes. Boteson and the rest, repaire the sayles and shroudes. Cooke see you observe your directions against the morning watch. Boy, Holla Maister, Holla, Is the kettle boyled, yea, yea, Boteswaine, call up the men to Prayer and Breakfast. Tearmes of Warre.

Boy fetch my celler of Bottles, a health to you all fore and afte, courage my hearts for a fresh charge: Maisterlay him a bord loufe for loufe; Mid-ships men see the tops and yeards well maned with stones and brasse bals, to enter them in the shrouds,4 and every squadron else at their best advantage, found Drums and Trumpets, and St. George for England.

They hang out a flag of truse, stand in with him, hale him a mayne, a base or take in his flagge, strike their sayles and come aboard, with the Captaine, Purser, and Gunner, with your Commission, Cocket, or bills of loading: out goes their Boate, they are lanched from the Ship side, Entertayne them with a generall cry, God save the Captayne, and all the Company, with the Trumpets sounding, examine them in particuler, and then conclude your conditions with feasting, freedome, or punishment, as you finde occasion; ∥ other wayes if you surprize him or enter perforce, you may stow the men, rifle, pillage, or sacke, and crye a prize.

To call a Councell in a Fleete: there is the Councell of Warre, and the common Councell, which hangs their flags out in the mayne shrouds, or the misen.

Nor5 betweene two Navies they use often, especially in a Harbour or rode, where they are at anchor, to fill olde Barkes with pitch, tar, trayne oyle, linsed oyle, brimstone, rosen, reedes, and dry wood and such combustable things, sometimes they linke three or foure together, towed together in the night, and put a drift as they finde occasion. To passe a Fort, some will make both shippe and sayles all blacke, but if the Fort keepe but a fire on the other side, and all their peeces poynt blanke with the fire, if they discharge, what is betwixt them and the fire, the shot will ∥ hit, if the rule be truely observed. To conclude, there is as many stratagims, advantages, and inventions to be used, as you finde occasions, and therefore experiences must be the best Tutor.

Bend your passerado6 to the mayne-sayle, git the sailes to the yeards, about your geare on all hands, hoyse your sayles, halfe mast high, make ready to set sayle, crosse your yeards, bring your Cable to the capsterne. Boatswaine fetch an Anchor aboord, break ground, or way Anchor, heave a head, men into the tops, men upon the yeards, come is the Anchor a pike,7 heave out your topsayles, haule your sheates; What's the Anchor away, yea, yea; Let fall your fore sayle, whose at the helme there, coyle your cable in small slakes,8 hawle the cat, a bitter,9 belay, loufe, fast your Anchor with your shanke painter, stow the boate, Let falle your maine saile, on with your bonnets and drablers, steare study10 before the wind. ∥ The wind veares, git your star-boord tacks aboord, hawle off your ley sheats, overhawle the ley bowlin, ease your mayne brases, out with your spret-saile, flat the fore sheat, pike up the misen or brade it, The ship will not wayer, loure the maine top saile, veare a fadome of your sheat, a flown sheate, a faire winde and a boune voyage, the wind shrinks, get your tacks close aboord, make ready your loufe howks and ley fagnes,1 to take off your bonnits and drablers, hawle close your maine bowline: It overcasts, we shall have winde, sattle2 your top sailes, take in the spret sayle, in with your top sayles, lower your maine sayles, tallow under the parrels, in with your maine sayle, lower the fore sayle, the sayle is split, brade up close all your sayles, lash sure the Ordinances, strike your top masts to the cap, make them sure with your sheepes feete,3 a storme, hull, lash sure the helme a ley, lye to try our drift, how capes4 the ship, cun the ship, ∥ spoune before the winde, she lusts, she lyes under the Sea, trie her with a crose-jacke, bowse it up with the out-looker,5 she will founder in the Sea, runne on shore, split or billage on a Rocke, a wracke, put out a goose-winge, or a hullocke of a sayle; faire weather, set your fore sayle. Out with all your sailes, get your Larbord tackes aboord, hawle off your Starboord sheats, goe large, laske, ware yawning, the ships at stayes, at backe stayes, over-set the ship, flat about, handle your Sayles, or trim your sayles, let rise your tacks, hawle of your sheats. Rocke-weede, adrift (or flotes,) one to the top to looke out for Land, a ships wake, the water way, the weather bow, weather coyle,6 lay the ship by the Ley, and heave the lead, try the dipsie line, bring the ship to rights, fetch the log-line to try what way shee makes, turne up the minute glasse, observe the hight, Land, to make Land, how beares it, set it by the Com- ∥ passe, cleare your leach-lines, beare in, beare off, or stand off, or sheare off, beare up, outward bound, home-ward bound, shorten your Sailes, take in your Sailes, come to an Anchor under the Ley of the weather shore, the Ley shore, nealed too, looke to your stoppers, your Anchor comes home, the ships a drift, vere out more Cable, let fall your sheat Anchor, land-locked, more the ship, a good Voyage, Armes; arme, a skiffe, a frigot, a pinnace, a ship, a squadron, a fleete, when you ride amongst many ships, pike your yards. Concerning sayling, or working of a Ship.

To the boate7 or skiffe belongs oares, a mast, a saile, a stay, a halyard, sheats, a boat-hook, thoughts,8 thoules, rudder, irons, bailes, a tar-pawling; or yawning,9 carlings, carling-knees for the David, the boates-wayles, a dridge, to row, a spell, hold-water, trim the boate vea, vea, vea, vea, vea,10 who saies Amen, one and all, for a dram of the bottle. The tearmes of the boate.

A Basillisco,1 double Cannon, Cannon Pedrea, demy Cannon, Culvering, Sakar, Minion, Falcon, Falconet, Rabbenet, Murderers, slings, Chambers, Curriors, Hargabusacrock,2 Musquets, bastard Musquets, Colivers, Carbines, Crabuts, long Pistols, short Pistols, Charges, Cartrages, Match, Spunges, Ladles, Rammers, Rammers heads, tomkins,3 a worme, a bore, a barrell, taper bore, hunicomed, lint-stockes, carrages, truckes, linch-pins, trunions, axell-trees, beds, coynings, the peeces in the prow, the chase peeces in the sterne, the quarter peeces, the mid-ships, the upper tyre, the middle tyre, the lower tyre, their fids and leads to keepe dry the touch hole: Travers a peece, dispeart a peece, compasse Calipers, a gunners quadrant, a hand spike, a crow of iron, to mount a peece, to dismount a peece, a darke Lanthorne, a budge barrell, a horne, a priming iron: wyer, round-shot, crosse- ∥ barre-shot, chayne-shot, langrill4 shot, a case, case-shot, lead, melting ladles, moulds, bullet bagges, Musquet shot, Colyver shot, quartred shot, Pistol shot, poysoned bullets, brasse bals, iron bals, granadoes, trunkes of wilde fire, pikes of wild fire, arrowes of wild fire, pots of wild fire, or dragouns. To cloye a peece: To loade a peece: To poyson a peece, hookes for gunners or tacklings. The names of all sorts of great Ordinance and peeces, and their appurtenances.

Concerning the particuler theoremes, or tearmes for great Ordnances, as the concave, trunke, cylinder, the soule or bore of a peece: To know whether she be equally bored, camber, taper, or belbored, the severall names of her mettle, the thinnesse and thicknesse, her carnooze,5 or base ring at her britch, her shaft or chase, her trunnions, mousell-rings6 at her mouth, to dispart her, know her levell poynt blanke and best at randome, her fortification, the differences of powder, be it serpentine or corned powder, if she be well moun- ∥ ted, uppon a levell plot-forme or no, besides there are so many uncertaine accidents, both in the peece, shot, and powder, the ground, the ayre and differences in proportion, they can no certaine artificiall rules be prescribed. Those proportions following are neere the matter, but for your better satisfaction, read Master Digs his Pantrymetria, Master Smith, or Master Burnes Arte of gunry, or Master Robert Nortons expositions upon MaisterDigs,7 any of these will shew you the Theoricke; but to be a good Gunner, you must learne it by practise.8 The Gunners scale is made in brasse at Tower Hill, with prospective glasses, and many other instruments by Master Bates.

Note that seldome in any Ships they use any Ordinance greater then a demy Cannon.1

The Ship2 hathone third part; the Victualer the other third; the other third part is for the Company, and this is sub-devided thus.3

They use to appoint a certaine reward extraordinary to him that first discries a Sayle if they take her, and to him that first enters her.

For to learne to observe the Altitude, Latitude, Longitude, Amplitude, the variation of the Compasse, the Sunnes Azimuth and Almicanter, to shift the Sunne and Moone, and to know the tydes, your roomes, pricke your card, and say your Compasse, get some of those bookes,4 but practise is the best

• Master Wrights errors of Navigation.
• Master Taps Sea-mans Kallender.
• The Art of Navigation.
• The Sea Regiment.
• The Sea-mans secrets.
• Wagganour.
• Master Gunters workes.
• The Sea-mans glasse for the skale.
• The new attracter for variation.
• Master Wright for the use of the Globe.
• Master Hewes for the same.

Good Sea Cards.5
• Two paire of Compasses.
• An Astralobe quadrant.
• A Crosse staffe.
• A backe staffe.
• An Astrolobe.
• An Nocturnall.

If you have a Divine,6 his pay is most commonly both from the Adventurers and the Saylors, so also is the Chyrurgion.

Young Gentlemen that desires commaund ought well to consider, the condition of his ship, victuall, and Company; for if there be more learners then Saylers, how sleightly soever many esteeme Saylers, all the worke to save Ship, goods, and lives, must lye upon them, especially in foule weather, the labour, hazard, wet and cold is so incredible I cannot expresse it. It is not then the number of them that here will say at home, what I cannot ∥ doe, I can quickly learne, and what a great matter it is to sayle a Ship, or goe to Sea, surely those for a good time will doe most7 trouble then good, I confesse it is more necessary such should go, but not too many in one ship, for if the labour of sixty should lye uppon thirty, as many times it doth; they are so over-charged with labour, bruses, and over-strayning themselves, for there is no dallying nor excuses, with stormes, gusts, over growne seas, and ley shores; they fall sicke of one disease or other, and then if their Victuals be putrified, it indangers all. Men of all other professions in lightning, thunder, stormes and tempests, with raine, and snow, may shelter themselves in dry houses, by good fires, and good cheare; but those are the chiefe times, that Sea-men must stand to their tackelings, and attend with all diligence their greatest labour upon the Deckes: Many supposeth any thing is good e- ∥ nough to serve men at sea, and yet nothing sufficient for them a shore, either for their healthes, for their ease, or estates, or state. A Commaunder at sea should do well to thinke the contrary, and provide for himselfe and company in like manner; also seriously to consider what will be his charge, to furnish himselfe at sea, with bedding, linnen, armes and apparell; how to keepe his table aboord, his expences on shore, and his petty tally, which is a competent proportion according to your number, of these particulars following. Advertisements for yong Commanders, Captaines and Officers.

Fine wheat flower, close and well packed, Rise, Currands, Sugar, Prunes, Cinamon, Ginger, Pepper, Cloves, Greene-ginger, Oyle, Butter, Olde Cheese, or Holland, Wine vinegar, Canary Sacke, Aqua vitæ, the best Wines, the best Waters, the juyce of Lemons for the Scurvey, white Bisket, Oate-meale, Gammons of Bakon, dried neates tongues, Rosted Beefe, packed up in vineger.

Legges of Mutton minced and stewed and close packed up with butter in earthen pots.

To entertaine strangers, Marmelet, Suckets, Almonds, Comfits, and such like.

Some it may bee will say, I would have men rather to feast then fight. But I say the want of those necessaries, occasions the losse of more men, then in any English fleet hathbin slaine in any fight since 88. for when a man is ill sicke, or at the poynt of death, I would know whether a dish of buttered Rice, with a little Cinamon and Sugar, a little minced meate, or roast beefe, a few stewed Prunes, a race8 of greene ginger, a flap-Jacke, a Can of fresh water brued with a little Cinamon, Ginger and Sugar, be not better then a little poore John, or salt fish, with oyle and mustard, or bisket, butter, cheese or oatemeale pottage on fish dayes, salt beefe, porke and pease and sixe shillings beere,1 this is your ordinary ships allowance, and good for ∥ them are well, if well conditioned, which is not alwayes, as sea-men can too well witnesse: and after a storme, when poore men are all wet, and some not so much a cloth to shift him,2 shaking with cold, few of those but will tell you, a little Sacke or Aquavitæ, is much better to keepe them in health, then a little small beere or cold water, although it be sweete, now that every one should provide those things for himselfe, few of them have either that providence or meanes. And there is neither Alehouse, Taverne, nor Inne to burne a fagot in, neither Grocer, Poulterie, Apothocary, nor Butchers shop: and therefore the use of this petty tally is necessary, and thus to be imployed as there is occasion, to entertaine strangers as they are in quality, every Commander should shewe himselfe as like himselfe as he can, as well for the credit of the ship and his settors forth as himselfe, but in that heerein every one ∥ may moderate themselves according to their owne pleasures, therefore I leave it to their owne discretions. And this briefe Discourse, and my selfe, to their friendly construction and good opinion.

John Smith Writ this with his owne Hand.3

Pag. 4. l. 19. for a bisket reade basket. p. 5. l. 18. for gang reade a choyce gang. p. 7. l. 4. for midships men, r. midships, p. 12: l. 7. for the blot, r. blocke, p. 15. l. 5. for clow, r. clew, p. 17. l. 12. for ketch r. reatch,4 ibid. l. 17. for mouthsoune, r. mounthsoune, p. 18 l. 3. for odde r. o -e, p. 26. l. 10. for nor r. Nor, ibid. l. 15. for sucets r. such, p. 28. l. 22. make them sure with your sheepsfeet, p. 30. l. 8. r. stoppers for stops. p. 31. l. 19. for dispect r. dispeart, p. 32. l. 10. for gunuer r. gunners.

1. In the expanded, rearranged version of this work, called the Sea Grammar (see the Introduction to the Sea Grammar, below), pp. 1–7 are reproduced as chap. 8 (34–37).

2. Latitude.

3. "Conning"; directing the helm or piloting.

4. With this paragraph the debt of the Oxford English Dictionary to Smith's Accidence and Sea Grammar begins to be manifest. Here, for example, we have the first recorded evidence of "mid-ships men" as the mariners who manned the midship. The rights of the "mid-ships men" of Smith's account to the contents of the first ship lawfully (or legitimately) captured, as well as to the "first prize," are explained more fully in Nathaniel Butler's "A Dialogicall Discourse Concerninge Marine Affaires ...," in W. G. Perrin, ed., Boteler's Dialogues (Navy Records Soc., LXV [London, 1929]), 39.

5. "Cargason"; a variant spelling of an obsolete form of "cargo."

6. "Cartridges"; variant spelling.

7. "The Rove is that little iron plate unto which the clinch nails are clinched" (Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 214).

8. The leather was used to nail over the scuppers to keep the sea from coming in while allowing water on the decks to run out, as explained in the Sea Grammar, 9.

9. The Barber Surgeons Company was one of the minor London Livery Companies. In Smith's day it was rapidly developing its concern with surgery (as ancestor of the Royal College of Surgeons) while laying aside its involvement in the barber's trade.

1. "Capstan"; one of a dozen variants.

2. All are forms of punishment; cf. the Sea Grammar, 35, and see the OED, svv. "cobkey" and "morion."

3. The boatswain was broadly in charge of all hands. Here he is specifically charged with summoning the "boys" (young would-be sailors) to the bittacle and rehearsing them in naming the points of the compass in proper order.

4. Ready to use.

5. A Dutch word that alternated with English "youngster" in the early 17th century as a name for junior seamen.

6. To bouse (also, "bowse") means generally "to pull or haul," as does "tricing."

7. To act as assistant to.

8. The "States" refers to the States General, the governing body of the Netherlands at the time. This is the end of chap. 8 in the Sea Grammar, 37. The next paragraph is rewritten in part in the Sea Grammar, 38.

1. This transitional paragraph is tucked away at the end of chap. 3 of the Sea Grammar, 17, with some alteration.

2. This paragraph is expanded in the Sea Grammar, 2–3.

3. This paragraph and the two following are reprinted almost verbatim in the Sea Grammar, 14.

4. Presumably gun ports or air ports, which are square or oblong, as distinct from modern portholes, which are round.

5. The OED records 16 spellings for "cabin."

6. According to Kermit Goell's edition of A Sea Grammar (London, 1970), 17, "to binde an end with a Capsterne and all things fitting for the Sea" is an expression meaning "to conclude." After referring to the captain's cabin the forecastle, etc., Smith feels he has said all that he has to say about the timbers and the carpentry of a ship, or at least all that he remembers, leaving aside the special workmanship of "smiths" who do "carving, joyning, and painting," which he does not discuss. In the next sentence, "presidents" was a common variant spelling of "precedents." Also note that scriveners in the 17th century were not only copyists but also notaries.

7. From here to the middle of p. 12 we have merely a list of parts of a ship. These are explained in chap. 2 of the Sea Grammar, 2–14 and nn.

8. "Floor."

9. A strake was a seam between two planks.

10. This is quite out of place here. See the Sea Grammar, bottom of p. 3, for an explanation.

1. Smith's spelling shows strong Spanish influence. According to the OED, this is the earliest citation of the word in this sense. Curiously, the "Hamacke" (hammock) seems to be missing in the Sea Grammar.

2. Watertight.

3. The "davit" was a portable piece of notched timber used with a block to haul up the fluke of the anchor and fasten it to the bow. The "blocke at the Davids ende" was known as the fish block. The davit was put out between the "cat" and the "loufe."

4. In the Sea Grammar, chap. 4, 17–18, begins here.

5. See ibid., 18n.

6. This is the earlier and better spelling of modern "kentledge" — pig iron used for ballast.

7. Cf. the following list of ropes from Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 212– 213: "an entering rope, a top rope, a boat rope, a buoy rope, a guest rope, a keel rope, a bucket rope, a rudder rope, a preventer rope, ... and a breast rope." Neither here nor in Butler's "Dialogicall Discourse," in Perrin, ed., Dialogues, is there any hint that "breast ropes" were out of use c. 1625, and Smith contradicts himself by referring to them in the Sea Grammar, 20. Breast ropes are lines to a pier at right angles to the keel by means of which a vessel is "breasted" in bodily to the pier. The last four words, "the water line is," seem to be the beginning of another section, which was abruptly abandoned (cf. the Sea Grammar, 45).

8. The lists from here to the bottom of p. 15 are expanded and in part explained in the Sea Grammar, chap. 5, 18–25.

9. In the Sea Grammar, 24, "knave-lines" are described in detail. Immediately following "knavlings," "gassits" should be "gaskets."

1. The passage from here to the top of p. 17 is expanded in the Sea Grammar; see chap. 7, 29–32.

2. Smith is wandering from his subject here. Note, below, that "an okum" is so unusual that the editor is inclined to suggest that it should read "and okum." Certainly, there should be a full stop after "okum." "Guie" is a variant of "guy" (rope).

3. A suite, or suit, of sails is the same as a "shift" — the "whole of the sails required for a ship" (OED).

4. Part of this paragraph appears (amplified) in the Sea Grammar, 43–45. A few variant spellings may help the reader: "rode" for "road"; "offen" for "offing"; "crike" for "creek"; "osie" for "oozy," i.e., muddy; "furland" for "foreland," i.e., a promontory.

5. The matter of winds and tides is treated in the Sea Grammar, chap. 10, 46–48.

6. A "flake" (from Dutch vlaag) of wind is the same as a "flaw" of wind, a gust (see ibid., 46). "Monthsoune" is a variant of "monsoon."

7. The measurements are corrected in the Errata as follows: "p. 18[.] l.3. for odde r. o -e." Probably the correction was intended to be, "r[ead] odde for o d." In the Sea Grammar, 44, the text reads: "he that doth heave this [sounding] lead ... doth sing fadome by the marke 5.0. and a shaftment lesse, 4.0." The picture is of a sailor taking soundings for a pilot who is attempting to disembogue into the open sea. The sailor calls, "by the mark, three fathoms odd and a shaftment [handbreadth, six inches]; four odd, bear away [it's safe to sail out]!"

8. This brief paragraph is much enlarged in the Sea Grammar, 37–38.

9. "Warre" is a variant spelling of "wear"; see ibid., bottom of p. 37.

1. The almost unbroken passage that runs from here to the top of p. 27 has seemed so significant that Lt. Comdr. D. W. Waters of the Royal Navy saw fit to modernize and quote it with pertinent remarks in his The Art of Navigation in England in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times (New Haven, Conn., 1958), 469–471. In the Sea Grammar the passage is virtually reprinted as chap. 13, 59–63.

2. "Pennants or streamers."

3. Note that the pagination is faulty, with folios 20–23 omitted. Nevertheless, the sequence is correct from here to the end of the book.

4. This is clarified in the expanded version in the Sea Grammar, 61–62.

5. The Errata has, confusingly: "p. 26. l. 10. for nor r. Nor." The text makes sense, however, if "Nor" is changed to "Now."

6. The word "passerado," used only by Smith or in references to him, is defined in the Sea Grammar, 42, as a "rope wherewith wee hale downe the sheats, blockes [sheats' blockes] of the maine or fore saile," etc. From here to the middle of p. 30, the text is considerably expanded in the Sea Grammar, chap. 9, 37–45.

7. Variant for "apeak," i.e., vertical.

8. "Slakes" was a typographical error for "fakes," meaning coils of rope. In a coiled rope, a fake is one circle or individual coil.

9. See the Sea Grammar, 30.

10. Obscure variant of "steady."

1. "Loof hooks" and "lee fangs" are explained in the Sea Grammar, 24 and 23, respectively.

2. Variant of "settle," meaning "to lower the height of."

3. The Sea Grammar, 40, has a full stop and a new sentence here.

4. To "cape" is to head or keep a course; below, "lust" is a variant of "list."

5. This is a variant spelling of obsolete "outligger" — a kind of ship's spar, a bumpkin.

6. Explained in the Sea Grammar, 40 and n; see also Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 255; and Butler, "Dialogicall Discourse," in Perrin, ed., Dialogues, 172.

7. This brief paragraph has been considerably enlarged in the Sea Grammar, chap. 6, 26–27.

8. Rowers' benches; now "thwarts." "Thoughts" was the original and more "correct" spelling.

9. An early variant of "awning."

10. Apparently the sailors' chanting as they pull on the oars.

1. The text from here to the bottom of p. 35 has been considerably amplified to form chap. 14, 64–71, of the Sea Gramma.

2. "Harquebus à croc"; see ibid., 68n.

3. See ibid., 68 and n.

4. The modern term for this kind of shot is "langrage"; see ibid., 67.

5. An unusual, obsolete term; see ibid., 65.

6. "Mousell" is a variant of "muzzle."

7. For the identification of these works, see the Sea Grammar, 69n.

8. The rest of this paragraph was omitted in the Sea Grammar. John Bates was an instrument maker.

9. The Sea Grammar, 70, has a revised and amplified version of this table. It does not include, however, the column headed "The Circumfrence of the shot in inches," with the peculiar measurement for cannon shot of "24 5/4."

1. For further notes and comments, see ibid., 71.

2. The rest of the Accidence is reprinted almost verbatim in the Sea Grammar, p. 72 to end.

3. The following list is somewhat augmented and otherwise changed in the Sea Grammar, 72.

4. See ibid., 83 [73], for identification.

5. The Sea Grammar, 83 [73], has as a heading, "Instruments fitting for a Sea-man," and it seems evident that a similar heading is needed here. "A Card" in Sir Henry Mainwaring's "Seaman's Dictionary" is "a geographical description of coasts, with the true distances, heights and courses, or winds laid down in it; not describing any inland, which belongs to maps" (p. 117). Thus, "Good Sea Cards" should be part of this list of seaman's instruments rather than a heading to it.

6. This brief paragraph is not in the Sea Grammar and seems out of place here.

7. Corrected to "more" in the Sea Grammar, 84 [74].

8. Root, apparently of ginger only; Spanish raíz.

1. Small beer costing six shillings; cf. Littlewit in Ben Jonson's Bartholomew Fair, I, i: "Give me the man can start up a justice of wit out of six shillings beer."

2. The meaning is, "and some had no dry clothing to change into."

3. It should be noted that Smith did not similarly sign the Sea Grammar.

4. Here, and two or three times below, the Errata themselves are erroneous; see the Textual Annotation.

An Accidence or the Path-way to Experience

The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.

The following lists have been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the Institute of Early American History and Culture. The list immediately below records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to print the word as a single word or as a hyphenated compound. The material before the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material after the bracket indicates how the word was broken in the original. The wavy dash symbol indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.

The list below contains words found as hyphenated compounds in the copy text that unavoidably had to be broken at the end of the line at the hyphen in the present text. In quoting or transcribing from the present text, the hyphen should be retained for these words. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.

230 Octobris 1626

 Jonas Man Benjamin Fisher Entred for their Copie under the handes of master Doctor [Thomas?] Worrall and both the wardens [Master Clement Knight and Master Felix Kingston] A booke Called An Accidence or pathwaye to experience necessarye for all young sea men etc. by Captaine John Smith ..... vid

 (Arber, Registers, IV, 169.)

Early:
1626.

• AN ∥ ACCIDENCE ∥ OR ∥ The Path-way to ∥ EXPERIENCE. ∥ Necessary for all Young Sea-men, or those ∥ that are desirous to goe to Sea, briefly shewing ∥ the Phrases, Offices, and Words of Command, ∥ Belonging to the Building, Ridging, and Sayling, ∥ a Man of Warre; And how to manage ∥ a Fight at Sea. ∥ Together with the Charge and Duty of ∥ every Officer, and their Shares: ∥ Also the Names, Weight, Charge, Shot, and ∥ Powder, of all sorts of great Ordnance. ∥ With the use of the Petty Tally. ∥ Written by Captaine John Smith some- ∥ times Governour of Virginia, and Admirall ∥ of New England. ∥ [Rule] ∥ LONDON: ∥ Printed for Jonas Man, and Benjamin Fisher, ∥ and are to be sold at the signe of the Talbot, ∥ in Aldersgate streete. 1626. ∥

  Quarto, pp. [8], 1–19, 24–42 (there are no pages 20–23); A — F in fours. In one surviving copy (John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R.I.) a cancel replaces sig. A2r–v with a dedication to Sir Robert Heath. The book ends with a list of Errata (p. 42) and a blank leaf.

1627.

• Reissue of the same text, with the date on the title page changed. This should not be confused with the Sea Grammar, also published in 1627.

1636.

• An Accidence for the Sea. Very necessary for all young Sea-men, or those that are desirous to goe to Sea, briefly shewing the Phrases, Offices and Words of Command, belonging to the Building, Rigging, and Sayling a Man of Warre; and how to manage a Navy and Fight at Sea. Together with the Charge and Duty of every Officer, and their Shares. Also the Names, Weight, Charge, Shot, and Powder, of all sorts of great Ordnance. With the use of the Petty Tally. London, Printed by T. H[arper] for Benjamin Fisher, and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the Talbot in Aldersgate street. 1636.

  Octavo, pp. [10], 62; A in six, B–D in eights, and E in seven. There is no author's name. This is a reprint of the 1626 edition in smaller format, with a dedication to "Algernoon [sic], Lord Percy, Earle of Northumberland ...," and a table of contents replacing Smith's dedication and address "To the Reader."

Modern:
1884, etc.

• Capt. John Smith, President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England. Works. 1608–1631, ed. Edward Arber (Birmingham). See the list of issues of the Arber text in the General Introduction in Volume I.

1627

Educated criticism of John Smith's writings has conspicuously fought shy of his two works on seamanship. Some critics have taken little notice of the value of his ethnographical work, but have vigorously oppugned his reliability as a historian. Others have praised his reports on how the American Indians lived and acted, but have remained silent or noncommittal when it came to what he wrote about his fellow colonists. Still others, who were conversant with the history of Jamestown but whose knowledge of eastern Europe stopped short of Budapest, have said that his tales of the Turks were fabrications, especially after a Hungarian engineer resident in England chose to expose his own ignorance by publishing derogatory comments on Smith's True Travels.1 In short, of all the scholarship on John Smith, almost nothing has been written about the Accidence or the Sea Grammar. Edward Arber, perhaps stymied by the Accidence, barely mentioned the other and did not trouble to print it.2 Even the most recent and soundest critic of Smith's writings, Everett Emerson, perhaps relying too much on Arber, has asserted that "the Accidence and its sequel are the least important of Smith's writings."3 On the other hand, a highly praised summation of English knowledge of seamanship in Elizabethan and early Stuart times opens with the words, "In the year 1626 Captain John Smith ...," and goes on to point out in a number of extensive passages the "virtues" of Smith's two books for seamen.4 This hardly bears out Emerson's opinion, that the Accidence "seems to have been hack work" and that in the Sea Grammar "only a chapter...has much interest now."5 Emerson's opinion is understandable, since he was evidently speaking only from the literary point of view. Yet Smith is not sui generis. Blaise Pascal (1623–1662), a man of letters, was also a mathematician. His Essai pour les coniques (Paris, 1640) may be unreadable from a literary point of view, but that does not mean it is unimportant.

Like the Accidence, the Sea Grammar requires editorial treatment different from Smith's other works. What holds good for the Accidence holds good for its sequel. The Sea Grammar is also a list of names for nautical things and people. It differs only in that these names are for the most part explained, and most of the explanations are not Smith's. They were borrowed from a manuscript copy of Sir Henry Mainwaring's "Dictionary."6 To annotate this small book would therefore be like annotating a pocket dictionary — an exercise in tautology.

Still, a good many terms occur in the Sea Grammar that are barely, if at all, comprehensible to modern readers. In view of this, the editor has used his discretion in supplying definitions for such terms as are not readily found in modern dictionaries or that otherwise seem difficult. The editor has also occasionally attempted to clarify obscure passages.

The Sea Grammar is usually considered the first work on seamanship in the English language. But one must define "first work" to mean the compound text that resulted from Smith's incorporation of Mainwaring's explanations into the framework Smith had already established in the Accidence. Beyond that, the Sea Grammar is also a work of distinction in literary terms if one considers Smith's embellishment of the whole with "you are there" immediacy, as in the memorable scene of the fight at sea, or in his moving plea for better conditions for sailors, which makes up the last three pages of the work.7

For readers especially interested in this early quasi-technical work, the following publications were of unusual assistance to the editor in his own research on Smith as a nautical writer:

1.

• Sir Henry Mainwaring, "The Seaman's Dictionary," in G. E. Manwaring and W. G. Perrin, eds., The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring (Navy Records Society, LIV, LVI [London, 1920, 1922]), II, a work undoubtedly used by Smith himself, though not precisely in its modern form.

2.

• Nathaniel Butler, "A Dialogicall Discourse Concerninge Marine Affaires ...," in W. G. Perrin, ed., Boteler's Dialogues (Navy Records Society, LXV [London, 1929]), a work by a personal friend of Smith's (see the Generall Historie, 190) who may have been instrumental in guiding Smith to Mainwaring's manuscript.

3.

• M[ichael] Oppenheim, ed., The Naval Tracts of Sir William Monson (Navy Records Society, XXII, XXIII, XLIII, XLV, XLVII [London, 1902–1914]), a general work, parts of which may have been known to Smith, though acquaintance with the author is doubtful.

4.

• John Davis, The Seamans Secrets (London, 1607), in Albert Hastings Markham, ed., The Voyages and Works of John Davis, the Navigator (Hakluyt Society, 1st Ser., LIX [London, 1880]), 229–337, a work by the early explorer John Davis that is referred to in the Sea Grammar, 83.

5.

• W[illiam] Salisbury and R[oger] C[harles] Anderson, eds., A Treatise on Shipbuilding and a Treatise on Rigging Written about 1620–1625 (Society for Nautical Research, Occasional Publications, No. 6 [London, 1958]), two contemporary treatises only recently published.

6.

• D. W. Waters, The Art of Navigation in England in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times (New Haven, Conn., 1958), a modern magnum opus.

7.

• Bertil Sandahl, Middle English Sea Terms, Essays and Studies on English Language and Literature, VIII, XX (Uppsala, Sweden, 1951, 1958), an important work still in progress.

8.

• Kermit Goell, ed., A Sea Grammar with the Plaine Exposition of Smiths Accidence for Young Sea-Men, Enlarged (London, 1970), a modern edition of the Sea Grammar, annotated, with a few minor errors, and well indexed.

9.

• F. H. Burgess, A Dictionary of Sailing (Baltimore, 1961), "a dictionary for all sailors and those interested in the sea."

1. Lewis L. Kropf, "Captain John Smith of Virginia," Notes and Queries, 7th Ser., IX (1890), 1–2, 41–43, 102–104, 161–162, 223–224, 281–282. See also, Laura Polanyi Striker, "The Hungarian Historian, Lewis L. Kropf, on Captain John Smith's True Travels: A Reappraisal," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXVI (1958), 22–43.

2. Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608–1631, The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 (Birmingham, 1884), cxxxi.

3. Everett H. Emerson, Captain John Smith (New York, 1971), 88.

4. D. W. Waters, The Art of Navigation in England in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times (New Haven, Conn., 1958), xxxiii–xxxiv, 462–463, 467–471, 474–476.

5. Emerson, Smith, 88, 91.

6. See P. L. Barbour, "Captain John Smith's Sea Grammar and Its Debt to Sir Henry Mainwaring's 'Seaman's Dictionary,'" Mariner's Mirror, LVIII (1972), 93–101, and the editor's Introduction to the Accidence.

7. See below, 59–63, 84–86.

A Sea Grammar, WITH THE PLAINE EXPOSITION of SMITHS Accidence for young Sea-men, enlarged.

Divided into fifteene Chapters: what they are you may partly conceive by the Contents.

Written by Captaine John Smith, sometimes Governour of VIRGINIA, and Admirall of NEW-ENGLAND.

LONDON, Printed by JOHN HAVILAND, 1627.

[The headpiece of this title page contains the crowned symbols of England, France, Scotland, and Ireland. From January 1340 under Edward III until January 1801 under George III the rulers of England were styled kings (and queens) of France. When James I came to the throne in 1603, he put Scotland second after England in his title, but in 1604 he announced his intention of using the style "King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, etc."

The editor is grateful to the New York Public Library for permission to reproduce this title page.]

Great Lords,

Julius Cæsar wrote his owne Commentaries, holding it no lesse honour to write, than fight; much hathbin writ concerning the art of war by land, yet nothing concerning the same at Sea. Many others might better than my selfe have done this, but since I found none endevourd it, I have adventured, encouraged by the good entertainment of ∥ my late printed Accidence.1 This I suppose will be much bettered by men in these things better experienced,2 others ignorance may fault it: I have beene a miserable Practitioner in this Schoole of Warre by Sea and Land more than thirty yeeres, however chance or occasion have kept me from your Lordships knowledge or imployment. Yet I humbly entreat your Lordships to accept and patronize this little Pamphlet, as the best testimony I can present your Honours, of my true duty to my King and Country. Thus humbly craving your Honours pardons, and favourable construction of my good intent, I remaine

1. It seems curious that Smith did not acknowledge his debt to Sir Samuel Saltonstall, stated in the True Travels, sig. A2v (see the editor's Introduction to the Accidence).

2. A semicolon seems needed here.

Your Honours in all duty to be commanded, John Smith.

Honest Readers,

If my desire to doe good hathtransported mee beyond my selfe, I intreat you excuse me, and take for requitall this rude bundle of many ages observations; although they be not so punctually compiled as I could wish, and it may bee you expect; At this present I cannot much amend them; if any will bestow that paines, I shall thinke him my friend, and honour his endevours. In the interim accept them as they are, and ponder3 errours in the balance of good will,

3. Weigh.

Your friend, John Smith.

\ REader within this little worke thou hast
The view of things present, to come, and past,
Of consequence and benefit to such
As know but little, thinking they know much;
And in thy quiet chamber safely read,
Th' experience of the living and the dead,
Who with great paine and perill oft have tride
When they on angry Neptunes backe did ride.
He having with his Trident strucke the maine,
To hoise them up and throw them downe againe.
Deare friend I'le cease and leave it to thy Booke.
To praise thy labour. Reader over-looke.4
Edw. Ingham.5

4. Inspect, peruse, read through.

5. For Edward Ingham, who also wrote a dedicatory poem for the Generall Historie, see the Biographical Directory.

\ I Hate to flatter thee, but in my heart
I honour thy faire worth and high desert;
And thus much I must say, thy merits claime
Much praise and honor, both from Truth and Fame.
What Judge so e're thy Actions over-looke,
Thou need'st not feare a triall by thy Booke.
Geor. Bucke.6

6. This is probably George Buck, great-nephew of Sir George Buc (see the Biographical Directory).

\ THe Lighter Hippias of Troy disclos'd,
Germans in India Cannowes now in trade,
The Barge by grave Amocles was compos'd,
The Argozees first the Illyrians made,
The Galley Jason built that Græcian sparke,
The Cyprians first did crosse the Seas with Barke.

\ The Keele by the Phænicians first was nam'd,
The Tyrrhens first made anchors, Plateans oares;
The Rhodians for the Brigandine are fam'd,
Cyrenians found the Craer, and Creet adores
Dædalus for Masts, and Saile-yards; Typhis wise
(With triple honour) did the sterne devise.

\ The Tackle famous Anacharsis wrought,
Noble Pyseus did the Stem first frame,
To light the Copians first the Rudder brought,
Young Icarus for Sailes acquir'd great fame,
Thou, with the best of these mai'st glory share,
That hast devis'd, compil'd a worke so rare.

\ For what long travels observations true
On Seas, (where waves doe seeme to wash the skies)
Have made thee know, thou (willing) do'st unscrew
To those that want like knowledge; each man cries
Live worthy Smith; England for this endevour
Will (if not stupid) give thee thanks for ever.
Nicolas Burley.

7. These four stanzas appear to have been derived one way or another from Sir Walter Ralegh's "A Discourse of the Invention of Ships, Anchors, Compasse, etc.," which was first published in London in 1650 in a small octavo volume entitled Judicious and Select Essayes and Observations. ... For example, with reference to the first stanza, the "Discourse" mentions the canoes, but gives Polydor Vergil as the source and specifies that the Germans were on the Danube. "Amocles" was Amenocles, a Corinthian, and what he invented were rowing vessels, not barges. Jason is not called a smart young man ("sparke"), nor did he invent the galley. That was the work of Griphon, a Scythian, according to the "Discourse," which adds that Anacharsis invented the anchor "with two hooks." There is still more poetic license in the second stanza (a "crayer" was a small light vessel), and in the third it is stated that Icarus invented the sail. The rest of the poem appears to have been Nicolas Burley's work. The many discrepancies between the poem and Ralegh's prose may be due to Burley's independent investigations, or to his having used a fuller manuscript copy than the one printed. In any case, one wonders how he got hold of any copy.

\ MOney, the worlds soule, that both formes and fames her,
Is her bad Genius to, it damnes, and shames her.
If merit and desert were truly weighed
In Justice Scales, not all by money swey'd;
Smith should not want reward, with many moe,
Whom sad oblivion now doth over-flow.
For now no good things gotten without money,
Except tis got, as Beares from thornes licke honey,
With danger to themselves. For poore mens words
Are wind, and aire: Great mens are pickes, and swords.
Greatnesse more safe may act lust, theft, or treason,
Than poore John Smith or I may steale two peason,
Or drinke a harmelesse cup, to chase away
Sad cares and griefes that haunt us every day.
Who saw thy Virgin limbd by thee so truly,
Would sweare thou hadst beene one that sawest her newly,
One of her latest lovers. But to tell
The truth, I thinke they know her not so well.
And this Sea Grammar learn'd long since by thee,
Thou now hast form'd so artificiallie,8
That many a beardlesse boy, and Artlesse foole,
Preferr'd before thee, may come to thy schoole.
John Hagthorpe.1

8. The meaning is, "performed with art; done artfully."

1. See the Biographical Directory.

\ MUch traveld Captaine, I have heard thy worth
By Indians, in America set forth:
Mee silence best seemes to keepe, and then
Thy better praise be sung by better men,
Who feele thy vertues worthinesse: Who can
Derive thy words, is more Grammarian,
Than Camden, Clenard, Ramus, Lilly were;
Here's language would have non-plust Scaliger.
These and thy travels may in time be seene
By those which stand at Helme, and prime ones beene.
Edw. Jorden.2

2. Edw[ard?] Jorden was possibly the famous physician of that name (see the Biographical Directory). The scholars mentioned in the verses undoubtedly were: William Camden (1551–1623), English antiquarian and historian; Nicola Clenart (1495–1542), Flemish linguist; Pierre de la Ramée (1515–1572), French humanist; William Lily (1468?–1522), English grammarian; and Joseph Justus Scaliger (1540–1609), Italian-French scholar, considered the greatest of modern times.

\ EAch Science termes of Art hathwherewithall
To expresse themselves, calld Technologicall.3
Logicke doth teach what Prædicables bee,
Genus and Species, * with the other three.
Philosophie, purblind in the first Creation,
Talks of first Matters forme, and void Privation.
Geographie teaches how for to define
Tropicks, Meridians, and the Æquators line.
So words of Art belong to Navigation
And ships, which here from thee receive translation;
That now th' untraveld land-man may with ease
Here know the language both of ships and Seas.
I have no Art of words due praise to impart
To thee that thus expound'st these words of Art. Technologicall, a Greeke word compounded of two Greeke words, τεχνὴ- λογὁς, signifies words of Art. Pr.5. { Genus. Species. *Differentia. Propriam. Accidens.
W. S.4

3. Possibly the first appearance of this word in print, perhaps invented by "W. S." (see n, below), although the meaning has shifted considerably in modern times. Below, Aristotelian logic provided four "predicables," but the early Schoolmen expanded these to five: genus, species, difference, property, and accident, to one or other of which every predicated thing may be referred.

4. Almost beyond doubt these initials refer to Wye Saltonstall, son of Sir Samuel (see the Biographical Directory, and (a3)vn, below).

\ THou which in Sea-learning would'st Clerk commence,
First learne to reade, and after reade to learne,
For words to sound, and not to know their sense,
Is for to saile a ship without a Sterne.
By this Sea Grammar thou mayst distinguish
And understand the Lattine by the English.

\ Here mayst thou learne the names of all ships geere,
And with their names, their natures, and their use;
To hoise the Sailes, and at the Helme to steere;
To know each Shroud, each Rope, each Knot, each Noose,
And by their names to call them every one,
'Tis such a Booke as may be call'd Such none.5

\ And yet a Smith thereof the Authour is,
And from his Forge alone we have the same,
Who, for his skill in such a worke as this,
Doth farre excell all others of his name:
He's neither Lock-Smith, Gold-Smith, nor Black-Smith,
But (to give him his right name) he's Jack-Smith.
S. S.6

5. "Nonesuch."

6. Again, almost beyond doubt, these initials refer to Sir Samuel Saltonstall, Smith's friend and benefactor who sponsored the printing of the Sea Grammar; see sig. (a2)vn, above; and the Biographical Directory.

The Expositions of all the most difficult words seldome used but amongst sea men: where you finde the word in the Margent9 in that breake against it: you shall find the exposition so plainly and briefly, that any willing capacity may easily understand them.

7. "Folio" is here used in the sense of "page number." Note that an error in pagination on pp. 54 and 55 is repeated in this table of contents, where chap. 12 is shown as beginning on p. 54. See p. 54n, below.

8. Advice. The word "advertisement" was not used in the modern sense of "paid announcement" until the end of the 17th century (cf. Smith's Advertisements).

9. This was the usual form of "margin" in the 17th century.

A DOCKE is a great pit or pond, or creeke by a harbour side, made convenient to worke in, with two great floud-gates built so strong and close, that the Docke may be dry till the ship be built or repaired, and then being opened, let in the water to float and lanch her, and this is called a dry Docke. A wet Docke is any place, where you may hale in a ship into the oze out of the tides way, where shee may docke her selfe. A cradel is a frame of timber, made along a ship, or the side of a gally by her billidge,1 for the more ease and safty in lanching, much used in Turkie, Spaine, and Italy. And the stockes2 are certaine framed posts, much of the same nature upon the shore to build a Pinnace, a Catch, a Frigot, or Boar, etc. To those Dockes for building belongs their wood-yards, with saw-pits, and all sorts of timber; but the masts and yards are ∥ chained together in some great water to keepe them from rotting, and in season; Also a crab is necessary, which is an engine of wood of three clawes, placed on the ground in the nature of a Capsterne,3 for the lanching of ships, or heaving them into the Docke. A dry Docke. A wet Docke. A Cradle. The stockes. A Crab.

THE first and lowest timber in a ship is the keele, to which is fastened all the rest; this is a great tree or more, hewen to the proportion of her burden, laid by a right line in the bottome of the docke, or stockes. At the one end is skarfed into it, the Stem, which is a great timber wrought compassing,4 and all the butt-ends of the planks forwards are fixed to it. The Sterne post is another great timber, which is let into the keele at the other end somewhat sloping, and from it doth rise the two fashion peeces, like a paire of great hornes, to those are fastened all the plankes that reach to the after end of the ship, but before you use any plankes, they lay the Rungs, called floore timbers, or ground timbers, thwart the keele; thorow those you cut your Limberholes to bring the water to the well for the pumpe, the use of them is when the ship is built to draw in them a long haire rope, by pulling it from sterne to stem, to scowre them, and keepe them cleane from choaking. The Keele. The Stem. The Sterne. The fashion peeces. The Rungs. The Limberholes.

Those ground timbers doe give the floore of the ship, being straight, saving at the ends they begin to compasse, and there they are called the Rungheads, and doth direct ∥ the Sweepe or Mould of the Foot-hookes5 and Navell timbers, for there doth begin the compasse and bearing of the ship, those are skarfed into the ground timbers, which is one peece of wood let into another, or so much wood cut away from the one as from the other, for when any of those timbers are not long enough of themselves, they are skarfed in this manner, to make two or three as one: those next the keele are called the ground Foot-hookes, the other the upper Foot-hookes; but first lay your keeleson over your floore timbers, which is another long tree like the keele, and this lying within as the other without, must be fast bound together with strong iron bolts thorow the timbers and all, and on those are all the upper workes raised, when the Foot-hookes are skarfed, as is said, and well bolted, when they are planked up to the Orlop they make the ships Howle,6 and those timbers in generall are called the ships ribs, because they represent the carkasse of any thing hathribs. The sleepers7 run before and after on each side the keeleson, on the floore well bolted to the Foot-hookes, which being thus bound doe strengthen each other. The Spurkits are the spaces betwixt the timbers alongst the ship side in all parts, but them in Howle below the Sleepers, are broad boords, which they take up to cleare the Spurkits, if any thing get betwixt the timbers. The Floore. Rungheads. Sweepe. Mould. Skarfing. Foot-hookes. Keeleson. Howle. Ribs. Sleepers. Spurkits.

The Garbord is the first planke next the keele on the outside, the Garbord strake is the first seame8 next the keele, your rising timbers are the hookes, or ground timbers and foot-hookes placed on the keele, and as they rise by little and little, so doth the run of the ship from the floore, which is that part of the ship under water which comes narrower by degrees from the floore timbers along to the sterne post, called the ships way aftward, for according to her run she will steare well or ill, by reason of the quicknesse or slownesse of the water comming to the rudder: now all those plankes under water, as they rise and are joyned one end to another, the fore end is called the Butt-end in all ships, ∥ but in great ships they are commonly most carefully bolted, for if one of those ends should spring, or give way it would be a great troublesome danger to stop such a leake, the other parts of those plankes are made fast with good Treenailes and Trunnions9 of well seasoned timber, thorowthe timbers or ribs, but those plankes that are fastened into the ships stem are called whoodings.10 The Garbord. Garbord strake. Rising timbers. The Run. Plankes. Butt-ends. Treenailes. Trunnions. Whoodings.

The gathering of those workes upon the ships quarter under water is called the Tucke, if it lie too low it makes her have a fat quarter, and hinders the quicke passage of the water to the rudder; if too high she must be laid out in that part, else she will want bearing for her after workes.1 The Transome is a timber2 lies thwart the sterne, betwixt the two fashion peeces, and doth lay out the breadth of the ship at the buttockes, which is her breadth from the Tucke upwards, and according there to her breadth or narrownesse, we say she hatha narrow or broad buttocke, the fashion peeces, before spoke of, are the two outmost timbers, on either side the sterne, excepting the counters. The ships Rake is so much of her hull as hangs over both ends of the keele, so much as is forward is said, she rakes so much forward, and so in like manner aftward: by the hull is meant, the full bulke or body of a ship without masts or any rigging from the stem to the sterne: The Rake forward is neere halfe the length of the keele, and for the Rake aftward about the forepart of her Rake forward,3 but the fore Rake is that which gives the ship good way, and makes her keep a good wind, but if she have not a full Bow, it will make her pitch her head much into the Sea; if but a small Rake forward, the sea will meet her so fast upon the Bowes, she will make small way, and if her sterne be upright as it were, she is called Bluffe, or Bluffe-headed. A ships Billage is the breadth of the floore when she doth lie aground, and Billage water is that which cannot come to the pumpe, we say also she is bilged, when she strikes on a rocke, an anchors flooke or any thing that breakes her plankes or timbers, to spring a leake. The Tucke. Transome. Buttocks. Rake. The Hull. Bluffe. Bluffeheaded. Billage.

When you have berthed or brought her up to the planks, which are those thicke timbers which goeth fore and aft on each side, whereon doth lie the beames of the first Orlop, which is the first floore to support the plankes doth cover the Howle, those are great crosse timbers, that keepes the ship sides asunder, the maine beame is ever next the maine mast, where is the ships greatest breadth, the rest from this is called the first, second, third, fourth, etc. forward or aftward beames. Great ships have a tier of beames under the Orlop whereon lies no decke, and great posts and binders called Riders from them to the keele in howle only to strengthen all. But the beames of the Orlop is to be bound at each end with sufficient Knees, which is a crooked peece of wood bowed like a knee, that bindes the beames and foot-hookes, being bolted together, some stand right up and downe, some a long the ship, and are used about all the deckes, some sawed or hewed to that proportion, but them which grow naturally to that fashion are the best. Plankes. Beames. Orlop. Riders. Knees.

Lay the Orlop with good planke according to her proportion, so levell as may be is the best in a man of Warre, because all the Ports may be of such equall height, so that every peece may serve any Port, without making any beds or platformes to raise them, but first bring up your worke as before to the second decke or Orlop, and by the way you may cut your number of port holes according to the greatnesse of your ship; by them fasten your Ringbolts for the tackles of your Ordnances, you use Ringbolts also for bringing the plankes and wailes4 to the ship side, and Set bolts for forcing the workes and plankes together, Clinch bolts are clinched with a riveting hammer for drawing out. But Rag bolts are so jaggered5 that they cannot be drawne out. Fore locke bolts hathan eye at the end, whereinto a fore locke of iron is driven to keepe it from starting backe. Fend bolts are beat into the outside of a ship with the long head to save her sides from galling against other ships. Drive bolts is a long piece of iron to drive out a treenaile, or any such thing, besides divers others so usefull that without ∥ them and long iron spikes and nailes, nothing can be well done; yet I have knowne a ship built, hathsailed to and againe over the maine Ocean, which had not so much as a naile of iron in her but onely one bolt in her keele.6 Ports. Beds. Ringbolts. Set bolts. Clinch bolts. Rag bolts. Fore locke bolts. Fend bolts. Drive bolts. She was built of Cedar.

Now your risings are above the first Orlop as the Clamps are under it, which is long thicke plankes like them, fore and aft on both sides, under the ends of the Beames and timbers of the second Decke or Orlop, or the third Decke or Orlop, or the third Decke which is never called by the name of Orlop, and yet they are all but Decks; also the halfe Decke and quarter Decke, whereon the beames, and timbers beare are called risings. A Flush Decke is when from stem to sterne, it lies upon a right line fore and aft which is the best for a man of Warre, both for the men to helpe and succour one another, as for the using of their armes, or remounting any dismounted peece, because all the Ports on that Decke are on equall height, which cannot be without beds7 and much trouble, where the Decke doth camber or lie compassing. To sinke a Decke is to lay it lower, to raise a Decke to put it higher, but have a care you so cut your Port holes, one peece lie not right over another for the better bringing them to your marke. Clamps. Decks. A halfe Decke. A quarter Decke. A Flush Decke. A cambered Decke. To sinke a Deck.

The halfe Decke is from the maine mast to the stearage, and the quarter Decke from that to the Masters Cabin called the round house, which is the utmost8 of all; but you must understand all those workes are brought up together, as neere equally as may bee from bend to bend, or waile to waile, which are the outmost timbers on the ship sides, and are the chiefe strength of her sides, to which the foot-hookes, beames, and knees, are bolted, and are called the first, second, and third Bend; but the chaine waile is a broad timber set out amongst them, a little above where the chaines and shrouds are fastened together to spread the shrouds the wider the better to succour the masts. Thus the sides and Deckes are wrought till you come at the Gunwaile, which is the upmost waile goeth about the upmost strake or seame of the upmost Decke about the ships waste,1 and ∥ the ships quarter is from the maine mast aftward. To raise a Deck. Bend, or waile. Chaine waile. Gun waile.

Culvertailed is letting one timber into another in such sort that they cannot slip out, as the Carling ends are fixed in the beames, and Carlings are certaine timbers lieth along the ship from beame to beame, on those the ledges doe rest whereunto the plankes of the Deckes are fastened. The Carling knees are also timbers comes thwart the ship from the sides of the Hatches way, betwixt the two masts, and beares up the Decke on both sides, and on their ends lieth the commings2 of the hatches, which are those timbers and plankes which beares them up higher than the Deckes, to keepe the water from running downe at the hatches; also they fit Loopholes in them for the close fights, and they are likewise a great ease for men to stand upright if the Deckes be low. The Hatches way is when they are open where the goods are lowered that way right downe into the howle, and the hatches are like trap doores in the middest of the Deckes, before the maine mast, by certaine rings, to take up or lay downe at your pleasure. The ships quarters. Culvertailed. Carlings. Carling knees. Commings. Loopholes. Hatches way.

A scuttle-hatch is a little hatch doth cover a little square hole we call the Scuttle, where but one man alone can goe downe into the ship, there are3 in divers places of the ship whereby men passe from Decke to Decke, and there is also small Scuttles grated, to give light to them betwixt Deckes, and for the smoke of Ordnances to passe away by. The Ramshead is a great blocke wherein is three shivers4 into which are passed the halyards, and at the end of it in a hole is reved the ties, and this is onely belonging to the fore and maine halyards; to this belong the fore Knight, and the maine Knight, upon the second Decke fast bolted to the Beames. They are two short thicke peeces of wood, commonly carved with the head of a man upon them, in those are foure shivers a peece, three for the halyards and one for the top rope to run in, and Knevels5 are small pieces of wood nailed to the inside of the ship, to belay the sheats and tackes unto. A Scuttle. Ramshead. The fore Knight. The main Knight. Knevels.

The Capstaine is a great peece of wood stands upright ∥ upon the Decke, abaft the maine mast, the foot standing in a step upon the lower decke, and is in the nature of a windis,6 to winde, or weigh up the anchors, sailes, top masts, ordnances, or any thing7 it is framed in divers squares, with holes thorowthem, thorowwhich you put your Capstainebarres, for as many men as can stand at them to thrust it about, and is called manning the Capstaine. The maine body of it is called the Spindle. The Whelps are short peeces of wood made fast to it, to keepe the Cable from comming too high in the turning about; The Paul is a short piece of iron made fast to the Deck, resting upon the whelps to keepe the Capstainefrom recoiling which is dangerous, but in great ships they have two, the other standing in the same manner betwixt the fore mast and the maine, to heave upon the Jeare8 rope, and is called the Jeare Capstaine, to straine any rope, or hold off by, when we way Anchor, to heave a head, or upon the violl,9 which is when an Anchor is in stiffe ground wee cannot weigh it, or the Sea goeth so high the maine Capstainecannot purchase in the Cable, then we take a Hawser opening one end, and so puts into it Nippers some seven or eight fadome distant from each other wherewith wee binde the Hawser to the Cable, and so brings it to the Jeare Capstaineto heave upon it, and this will purchase more than the maine Capstainecan. The violl is fastened together at both ends with an eye or two, with a wall knot and seased10 together. A windas is a square peece of timber, like a Role before the fore Castle in small ships, and forced about with handspikes for the same use as is the Capstaine. Capstaine. Capstainebars. The Spindle. Whelps. Paul. Jeare Capstaine. The violl. A windas.

What are the parts of a pumpe you may see in every place, the handle we call the brake; the pumpes can, is a great can we power water into pumps to make it pumpe. The daile1 is a trough wherein the water doth runne over the Deckes; But in great ships they use chained pumps which will goe with more ease, and deliver more water. The Dutch men use a Burre pumpe by the ship side, wherein is onely a long staffe with a Burre at the end, like a Gunners spunge, to pumpe up the Billage water that by rea- ∥ son of the bredth of the ships floore cannot come to the well: In pumping they use to take spels, that is, fresh men to releeve them, and count how many strokes they pumpe each watch, whereby they know if the ship be stanch, or thite,2 or how her leakes increase. The Pumpe sucks, is when the water being out, it drawes up nothing but froth and winde. They have also a little Pumpe made of a Cane, a little peece of hollow wood or Latten3 like an Elder gun, to pumpe the Beere or Water out of the Caske, for at Sea wee use no Taps, and then stave the Caske to make more roome, and packeth the Pipe-staves or boords up as close as may be in other Caske till they use them. The Pumpe. The Brake. The Can. The Daile. Chained Pumps. A Bur Pump. The Pumpe sucks. A beare Pumpe.

The Skuppers are little holes close to all the Decks thorowthe Ships sides, whereat the water doth runne out when you pumpe or wash the Decks; the Skupper-leathers are nailed over those holes upon the lower Decke to keepe out the Sea from comming in, yet give they way for it to runne out: Skupper nailes are little short ones with broad heads, made purposely to naile the Skupper-leathers, and the cotes4 of Masts and Pumps. The Waist is that part of the Ship betwixt the maine Mast and the fore-castle, and the Waist boords are set up in the Ships waist, betwixt the Gun-waile and the waist trees, but they are most used in Boats, set up alongst their sides to keepe the Sea from breaking in. The Skuppers. Skupper- leathers. Skupper-nailes. The Waist. Waist boords. Waist trees.

There are usually three Ladders in a Ship; the entering Ladder is in the Waist, made formally of wood, and another out of the Gallery made of Ropes to goe into the boat by in foule weather, and the third at the Beak-head, made fast over the Boulspret to get upon it, onely used in great Ships. The entering Ladder. Gallery Ladder. Boultspret Ladder.

It were not amisse now to remember the Fore-castle, being as usefull a place as the rest, this is the forepart of the Ship above the Decks over the Bow; there is a broad Bow and a narrow Bow, so called according to the broadnes or the thinnesse: the Bow is the broadest part of the Ship before, compassing the Stem to the Loufe,5 which reacheth so farre ∥ as the Bulk-head of the Fore-castle extendeth. Against the Bow is the first breach of the Sea, if the Bow be too broad, she will seldome carry a Bone in her mouth or cut a feather, that is, to make a fome6 before her: where a well bowed Ship so swiftly presseth the water, as that it foameth, and in the darke night sparkleth like fire. If the Bow bee too narrow, as before is said, she pitcheth her head into the Sea, so that the meane is the best if her after way be answerable. The Hauses7 are those great round holes before, under the Beak-head, where commonly is used the Cables when you come to an Anchor, the bold or high Hause is the best, for when they lie low in any great sea, they will take in very much water, the which to keepe out, they build a circle of planke either abaft or before the maine Mast called the Manger: and a Hause-plug8 at Sea, now the Fore-castle doth cover all those being built up like a halfe decke, to which is fixed the Beake-head, and the Prow is the Decke abaft the Fore-castle, whereon lyeth the Prow peeces. The Fore-castle. Bow. Loufe. Cut a feather. Hauses. Manger. Prow.

The Beak-head is without the ship before the fore Castle, supported by the maine knee, fastened into the stem, all painted and carved as the sterne, and of great use, as well for the grace and countenance of the ship, as a place for men to ease themselves in. To it is fastened the coller of the maine stay, and the fore tacks there brought aboord; also the standing for rigging and trimming the spretesaile geare, under the midest of it is the Combe, which is a little peece of wood with two holes in it to bring the fore tacks aboord. The Bits are two great peeces of timber, and the Crospeece goeth thorowthem, they are ordinarily placed abaft the Manger in the ships loofe, to belay the Cable thereto when you ride at Anchor: Their lower parts are fastened to the Riders, but the middle part in great ships are bolted to two great beames crosse to the Bowes, and yet in extraordinary stormes we are glad to make fast the Cable to the maine Mast for strengthning of the Bits and safety of the Bowes, which have in great stormes beene torne from the ships. The David9 is a short peece of timber, at the end ∥ whereof in a notch they hang a blocke in a strap called the Fish-block, by which they hale up the flook of the Anchor to the Ships bow, it is put out betwixt the Cat and the Loufe, and to be removed when you please. The Cat is also a short peece of timber aloft right over the Hawse; in the end it hathtwo shivers in a blocke, wherein is reeved a Rope, to which is fastned a great hooke of Iron, to trice up the Anchor from the Hawse to the top of the fore-castle. The Beak-head. Combe. Bits. Crospeece. David. Fish-block. Cat.

A Bulks head is like a seeling1 or a wall of boords thwart the Ship, as the Gunroome, the great Cabin, the bread roome, the quarter Decke, or any other such division: but them which doth make close the fore-castle, and the halfe Decke, the Mariners call the Cubbridge heads,2 wherein are placed murtherers,3 and abaft Falcons, Falconets, or Rabinits to cleare the Decks fore and aft so well as upon the ships sides, to defend the ship and offend an enemy. Sockets are the holes wherein the pintels of the murderers or fowlers goe into. The hollow arching betwixt the lower part of the Gallery and the Transome, is called the lower Counter; the upper Counter is from the Gallery to the arch of the round house, and the Brackets are little carved knees to support the Galleries. A Bulkes head. Cubbridge head. Sockets. Low Counter. Upper Counter.

The Stearage roome, is before the great Cabin, where he that steareth the Ship doth alwaies stand, before him is a square box nailed together with woodden pinnes, called a Bittacle, because iron nailes would attract the Compasse; this is built so close, that the Lampe or Candle only sheweth light to the stearage, and in it alwaies stands the Compasse, which every one knowes is a round box, and in the midst of the bottome a sharpe pin called a Center whereon the Fly doth play, which is a round peece of pace-boord,4 with a small wyer under it touched with the Load-stone, in the midst of it is a little brasse Cap that doth keepe it levell upon the Center. On the upper part is painted 32. points of the Compasse covered with glasse to keepe it from dust, breaking, or the wind; this Box doth hang in two or three ∥ brasse circles, so fixed they give such way to the moving of the Ship that still the Box will stand steady: there is also a darke Compasse, and a Compasse for the variation, yet they are but as the other, onely the darke Compasse haththe points blacke and white, and the other onely touched5 for the true North and South. Upon the Bittacle is also the Travas,6 which is a little round boord full of holes upon lines like the Compasse, upon which by the removing of a little sticke they keepe an account, how many glasses (which are but halfe houres) they steare upon every point. The Whip-staffe is that peece of wood like a strong staffe the Stearsman or Helmesman hath alwaies in his hand, going thorowthe Rowle,7 and then made fast to the Tiller with a Ring. Brackets. The Stearage. Great Cabin. Bittacle. The Compasse. A darke Compasse. A Compasse for Variation. The Travas. The Whip-staffe. The Rowle.

The Tiller is a strong peece of wood made fast to the Rudder, which is a great timber somewhat like a Planke, made according to the burthen of the ship, and hung at the sterne upon hookes and hinges, they call Pintels and Gudgions, or Rudder-irons. The Tiller playeth in the Gun-roome over the Ordnances by the Whip-staffe; whereby the Rudder is so turned to and fro as the Helmesman pleaseth, and the Cat holes are over the Ports, right with the Capstaine as they can, to heave the Ship a sterne by a Cable or a Hauser called a sterne-fast. On each side the Stearage roome are divers Cabins, as also in the great Cabin, the quarter Decke, and the round house, with many convenient seates or Lockers to put any thing in, as in little Cupberts. The Tiller. Rudder. Pintels. Gudgions or Rudder-Irons. The Gun-roome. Cat holes. Lockers.

The Bread-roome is commonly under the Gun-roome, well dried or plated.8 The Cook-roome where they dresse their victuall may bee placed in divers places of the Ship, as sometimes in the Hould, but that oft spoileth the victuall by reason of the heat, but commonly in Merchantmen it is in the Fore-castle, especially being contrived in Fornaces; besides in a chase their Sterne is that part of the ship they most use in fight, but in a man of warre they fight most with their Prow, and it is very troublesome to the use ∥ of his Ordnance, and very dangerous lying over the Powder-roome, some doe place it over the Hatches way, but that as the Stewards roome are ever to be contrived according to the Ships imploiment, etc. Calking is beating Okum into every seame or betwixt planke and planke, and Okum is old Ropes torne in peeces like Towze Match,9 or Hurds of Flax, which being close beat into every seame with a calking Iron and a Mallet, which is a hammer of wood and an iron chissell, being well payed1 over with hot pitch, doth make her more thight than it is possible; by joyning Planke to Planke. Graving2 is onely under water, a white mixture of Tallow, Sope and Brimstone; or Train-oile, Rosin, and Brimstone boiled together, is the best to preserve her calking and make her glib or slippery to passe the water; and when it is decayed by weeds, or Barnacles, which is a kinde of fish like a long red worme, will eat thorowall the Plankes if she be not sheathed, which is as casing the Hull under water with Tar, and Haire, close covered over with thin boords fast nailed to the Hull, which though the Worme pierce, shee cannot endure the Tar. Breaming3 her, is but washing or burning of all the filth with reeds or broome, either in a dry dock or upon her Careene, which is, to make her so light as you may bring her to lye on the one side so much as may be in the calmest water you can, but take heed you overset her not; and this is the best way to Breame Ships of great burthen, or those have but 4. sharpe Flores4 for feare of brusing or oversetting. Parsling is most used upon the Decks and halfe Decks; which is, to take a list of Canvas so long as the seame is you would parsell, being first well calked, then powre hot pitch upon it, and it will keepe out the water from passing the seames. There remaines nothing now as I can remember to the building the Hull of a Ship, nor the definition of her most proper tearmes, but onely seeling the Cabins and such other parts as you please, and to bind an end with all things fitting for the Sea, as you may reade in the Covenants betwixt the Carpenter and the Owner, which are thus. The bread-roome. Cooke-roome. Calking. Okum. Calking-Iron. Paying. Graving. Barnacles, or Wormes. Broming or Breaming. Careene. Parsling.

If you would have a Ship built of 400. Tuns, she requires a planke of 4. inches: if 300. Tuns, 3. inches: small Ships 2. inches, but none lesse. For clamps, middle bands and sleepers, they be all of six inch planke for binding within. The rest for the sparring up of the workes of square three inch planke. Lay the beames of the Orlope, if she be 400. Tuns at ten foot deepe in howle, and all the beames to be bound with two knees at each end, and a standard knee at every beames end upon the Orlope, all the Orlope to be laid with square three inch planke, and all the plankes to be treenailed to the beames. Notes for a Covenant betweene the Carpenter and the Owner.

Six foot would be betweene the beames of the Deck and Orlope, and ten ports on each side upon the lower Orlope, all the binding betweene them should bee with three inch or two inch planke, and the upper Decke should bee laid with so many beames as are fitting with knees to bind them; laying that Decke with spruce Deale of thirty foot long, the sap cut off, and two inches thicke, for it is better than any other.

Then for the Captaines Cabben or great Cabben, the Stearage, the halfe Decke, the Round house, the Fore-castle, and to binde an end with the Capsterne and all things fitting for the Sea, the Smiths worke, the carving, joyning, and painting excepted, are the principall things I remember to be observed. For a Charter-party betwixt the Merchant, the Master, and the Owner, you have Presidents5 of all sorts in most Scriveners shops.

WHEN a ship is built, she should be masted, wherein is a great deale of experience to be used so well as art; for if you over-mast her, either in length or bignesse, she will lie too much downe by a wind, and labour too much a hull, and that is called a Taunt-mast, but if either too small or too short, she is under masted or low masted, and cannot beare so great a saile as should give her her true way. For a man of warre, a well ordered Taunt-mast is best, but for a long voyage, a short Mast will beare more Canvasse, and is lesse subject to beare by the boord: Their Rules are divers, because no Artist can build a Ship so truly to proportion, neither set her Masts, but by the triall of her condition, they may bee impayred or amended: suppose a Ship of 300. Tunnes be 29. foot at the Beame, if her maine Mast be 24. inches diameter, the length of it must be 24. yards, for every inch in thicknesse is allowed a yard in length, and the fore Mast 22. inches in thicknesse, must bee 22. yards in length; your Bowle spret6 both in length and thicknesse must bee equall to the fore Mast, the Misen 17. yards in length, and 17. inches diameter. A Ship over-masted. Taunt-masted. Under-masted. An example.

But the Rule most used is to take the 4/5 parts of the bredth of the Ship, and multiply that by three, will give you so many foot as your maine Mast should bee in length, the bignesse or thicknesse will beare it also, allowing an inch for a yard; but if it be a made Mast,7 that is greater than one Tree, it must be more: for example, suppose the Ships bredth 30. foot, foure fifts of 30. foot are 24. foot, so you ∥ finde the maine Mast must be 24. yards long, for every yard is 3. foot and 24. inches thorow, allowing an inch to every yard. The fore Mast is to be in length 4/5 of the maine Mast, which will be 20. yards wanting one 4/5 part of a yard, and 20. inches thorow. The Boulspret must ever bee equall with the fore Mast. The misen Mast halfe the length of the maine Mast, which will be 12. yards long, and 12. inches diameter. Now as you take the proportion of the Masts from the Beame or bredth of the Ship, so doe you the length of the yards from the Keele. The rule most used. A made Mast, or an arme Mast.

These Masts have each their steps in the Ship, and their partners at every Decke where thorowthey passe to the Keele, being strong timbers bolted to the Beams in circling the Masts, to keep them steady in their steps fast wedged for rowling; yet some ships will not saile so wel as when it doth play a little, but that is very dangerous in foule weather. Their Cotes are peeces of tarred Canvas, or a Tarpawling put about them and the Rudder to keepe the water out. At the top of the fore Mast and maine Mast are spliced cheeks, or thicke clamps of wood, thorowwhich are in each two holes called the Hounds, wherein the Tyes doe runne to hoise 8 the yards, but the top Mast hathbut one hole or hound, and one tye. Every Mast also hatha Cap if a top;9 which is a peece of square timber with a round hole in it to receive the top Masts or Flag-staffe, to keepe them steady and strong, lest they be borne by the boord in a stiffe gale. The Crosse-trees are also at the head of the Masts, one let into another crosse, and strongly bolted with the Tressell trees,10 to keepe up the top Masts which are fastened in them, and those are at the tops of each Mast; all the Masts stand upright but the Boulspret which lyeth along over the Beak-head, and that timber it resteth on is called the Pillow. The Steps. Partners. Cotes. Tarpawling. Cheeks. The Hounds. The Cap. Crosse-trees. Tressel-trees. Pillow.

Now for the yards, suppose the ship be 76. foot at the Keele, her maine yard must be 21. yards in length, and in thicknesse but 17. inches. The fore Yard 19. yards long, and 15. inches diameter or thick. The spret-saile Yard 16. ∥ yards long, and but nine inches thicke, and your Misen-yard so long as the Mast, the top yards beares halfe proportion to the maine, and fore yard, and the top gallants, the halfe to them, but this rule is not absolute; for if your Masts be taunt, your yards must be the shorter; if a low Mast, the longer, but this is supposed the best. To have the maine Yard 5/6 parts of her Keele in length: the top Yard 3/7 of the maine Yard, and the maine Yard for bignesse ¾ parts of an inch, for a yard in length. The length of the fore Yard 4/5 of the maine Yard; the Crossejacke Yard and Spretsaile Yard to be of a length; but you must allow the Misen Yard and Spretsaile Yard ½ inch of thicknesse to a yard in length. But1 to give a true Arithmeticall and Geometricall proportion for the building of all sorts of Ships, were they all built after one mould, as also of their Masts, Yards, Cables, Cordage, and Sailes, were all the stuffe of like goodnesse, a methodicall rule as you see might bee projected: but their lengths, bredths, depths, rakes and burthens are so variable and different, that nothing but experience can possibly teach it. An example of the Yards by the Keele.

The Boul-spret, the Spretsaile yard, the Spretsaile top-mast; the Spretsaile top saile yard; the fore Mast, the fore yard, the fore top-mast, the fore top-saile yard, the fore top gallant Mast, the fore top gallant saile yard, Cotes, Wouldings, Gromits, and Staples for all yards. The maine Mast, the maine Yard, the maine Top. The ∥ maine top Mast, the maine top-saile Yard. The top gallant Mast, the maine top gallant saile Yard. The Trucke is a square peece of wood at the top wherein you put the Flag-staffe. The Misen, the Misen Yard, the Misen top mast, the Misen top saile yard. The Crosse Jacke. In great ships they have two Misens, the latter is called the Bonaventure Misen. A Jury Mast, that is, when a Mast is borne by the boord, with Yards, Roofes, Trees, or what they can, spliced or fished together they make a Jury-mast, woulding or binding them with ropes fast triced together with hand-spikes, as they use to would2 or binde any Mast or Yard.

THE rigging a Ship, is all the Ropes or Cordage belonging to the Masts and Yards; and it is proper to say, The Mast is well rigged, or the Yard is well rigged, that is, when all the Ropes are well sised3 to a true proportion of her burthen. We say also, when they are too many or too great, shee is over-rigged, and doth much wrong a Ship in her sailing; for a small waight aloft, is much more in that nature than a much greater below, and the more upright any Ship goeth, the better she saileth. Riggage or Cordage. A Mast well rigged. A Yard well rigged. Over rigged.

All the Masts, Top-masts, and Flag-staves have staies, excepting the Spret saile top-Mast, the maine Masts stay is made fast by a Lannier4 to a Coller, which is a great Rope that comes about the head and Boulspret, the other end to the head of the maine Mast. The maine top-Masts stay is ∥ fastened to the head of the fore Mast by a strop and a dead mans eye. The maine top-gallant Masts stay in like manner to the head of the fore top-Mast. The fore Masts and stayes belonging to them in like manner are fastened to the Boulspret, and Spretsaile top-Mast, and those staies doe helpe to stay the Boulspret. The Misen staies doe come to the maine Mast, and the Misen top-Mast staies to the shrouds with Crowes-feet: the use of those staies are to keepe the Masts from falling aftwards, or too much forwards. Those Lanniers are many small Ropes reeved into the dead mens eyes of all shrouds, either to slaken them or set them taught;5 also all the staies have their blocks, and dead mens eyes have Lanniers. Dead mens eyes are blocks, some small, some great, with many holes but no shivers, the Crowes-feet reeved thorowthem are a many of small lines, sometimes 6. 8. or 10. but of small use more than for fashion to make the Ship shew full of small Ropes. Blocks or Pullies are thick peeces of wood having shivers in them, which is a little Wheele fixed in the middest with a Cocke or Pin, some are Brasse, but the most of Wood, whereon all the running Ropes doe runne, some are little, some great, with 3. 4. or 5. shivers in them, and are called by the names of the Ropes whereto they serve. There are also double blocks, that where there is use of much strength will purchase with much ease, but not so fast as the other, and when wee hale any Tackle or Haleyard to which two blocks doe belong, when they meet, we call that blocke and blocke. All Masts have staies except one. A Coller. A Lannier. Dead mens eyes. Crowes-feet. Blocks or Pullies. Shivers. A Cocke. Running ropes. Double blocks. Block and block.

The Shrouds are great Ropes which goe up either sides of all Masts. The Misen maine Mast and fore Mast shrouds have at their lower ends dead mens eyes seased into them, and are set up taught by Lanniers to the chaines; at the other end, over the heads of those Masts are pendants, for Tackels and Swifters under them. The top-Masts shrouds in like manner are fastened with Lanniers and dead mens eyes to the Puttocks6 or plats of iron belonging to them, aloft over the head of the Mast as the other: and the Chaines are strong plates of iron fast bolted into the Ships side by the ∥ Chaine-waile. When the Shrouds are too stiffe, we say, ease them, when too slacke, we say, set Taught the Shrouds, but the Boulspret hathno Shrouds, and all those small ropes doe crosse the Shrouds like steps are called Ratlings.7 The Puttocks goe from the Shrouds of the fore Mast, maine Mast or Misen, to goe off from the Shrouds into the Top, Cap, or Bowle, which is a round thing at the head of either Mast for men to stand in, for when the Shrouds come neere the top of the Mast, they fall in so much, that without the Puttocks you could not get into the Top, and in a manner they are a kinde of a Shroud. A Pendant is a short rope made fast at one end to the head of the Mast or the Yards arme, having at the other end a blocke with a shiver to reeve some running rope in, as the Pendants of the backe staies and Tackles hang a little downe on the inside of the Shrouds: all Yards-armes have them but the Misen, into which the Braces are reeved, and also there are Pendants or Streamers hang from the yards armes, made of Taffaty, or coloured flanell cloth to beautifie the Ship onely: Parrels are little round Balls called Trucks,8 and little peeces of wood called ribs, and ropes which doe incircle the Masts, and so made fast to the Yards, that the Yards may slip up and downe easily upon the Masts, and with the helpe of the Brest-rope doth keepe the Yard close to the Mast. The standing ropes are the shrouds and staies, because they are not removed, except it be to be eased or set taughter. All Masts have Shrouds, etc. Chaines. To Ease. Taught. Ratlings. Puttocks. Pendants. Parrels. Ribs. Brest-ropes. Standing ropes.

The Tackles or ropes runne in three parts, having a Pendant with a blocke at the one end, and a blocke with a hooke at the other, to heave any thing in or out of the ship; they are of divers sorts, as the Botes tackles made fast the one to the fore shrouds, the other to the maine, to hoise the Bote in or out: also the tackles that keepe firme the Masts from straying. The Gunners tackles for haling in or out the Ordnances: but the winding tackle is the greatest, which is a great double blocke with three shivers to the end of a small Cable about the head of the Mast, and serveth as a ∥ Pendant. To which is made fast a Guy, which is a rope brought to it from the fore mast, to keepe the weight upon it steady, or from swinging to and againe: Into the blocke is reeved a hawser, which is also reeved thorowanother double blocke, having a strop at the end of it; which put thorowthe eye of the slings is locked into it with a fid, and so hoise the goods in or out by the helpe of the Snap-blocke.1 The Tackles are of divers sorts, etc. A Guy.

Cat harpings are small ropes runne in little blockes from one side of the ship to the other, neere the upper decke to keepe the shrouds tight for the more safety of the mast from rowling. The Halyards belong to all masts, for by them wee hoise the yards to their height, and the Ties are the ropes by which the yards doe hang, and doe carry up the yards when wee straine2 the Halyards; the maine yard and fore yard ties are first reeved thorowthe Rams head, then thorowthe Hounds, with a turne in the eye of the slings which are made fast to the yard; the missen yard and top yard have but single Ties, that is, one doth but run in one part, but the Spretsaile yard hathnone, for it is made fast with a paire of slings to the boltspret. A Horse is a rope made fast to the fore mast shrouds, and the Spretsaile sheats, to keepe those sheats cleare of the anchor flookes. Cat harpings. Halyards. The Ties. A Horse.

To sling is to make fast any caske, yard, ordnances, or the like in a paire of Slings, and Slings are made of a rope spliced at either end into it selfe with one eye at either end, so long as to bee sufficient to receive the caske, the middle part of the rope also they seaze3 together, and so maketh another eye to hitch the hooke of the tackle, another sort are made much longer for the hoising of ordnances, another is a chaine of iron to Sling or binde the yards fast aloft to the crosse trees in a fight, lest the ties should bee cut, and so the mast must fall. The Canhookes are two hookes fastened to the end of a rope with a noose, like this the Brewers use to sling or carry their barrels on, and those serve also to take in or out hogsheads, or any other commodities. A Parbunkel4 is two ropes that have at each end a noose or lumpe that being ∥ crossed, you may set any vessell that hathbut one head upon them, bringing but the loopes over the upper end of the caske, fix but the tackle to them, and then the vessell will stand strait in the middest to heave out, or take in without spilling. To Sling. Slings. Canhookes. A Parbunkell.

Puddings are ropes nailed round to the yards armes close to the end, a pretty distance one from another, to save the Robbins5 from galling upon the yards, or to serve the anchors ring to save the clinch of the cable from galling. And the Robbins are little lines reeved into the eylet holes of the saile under the head ropes, to make fast the saile to the yard, for in stead of tying, sea men alwayes say, make fast. Head lines, are the ropes that make all the sailes fast to the yard. Puddings. Robbins. Head lines.

Furling lines are small lines made fast to the top saile, top gallant saile, and the missen yards armes. The missen hathbut one called the smiting line, the other on each side one, and by these we farthell or binde up the sailes. The Brales6 are small ropes reeved thorow Blockes seased on each side the ties, and come down before the saile, and at the very skirt are fastened to the Creengles,7 with them we furle or farthell our sailes acrosse, and they belong onely to the two courses and the missen: to hale up the Brales, or brale up the saile, is all one; Creengles are little ropes spliced into the Bolt-ropes of all sailes belonging to the maine and fore mast, to which the bolings bridles8 are made fast, and to hold by when we shake off a Bonner. Furling lines. A smiting line. Brales. Creengles.

Boltropes is that rope is sowed about every saile, soft and gently twisted, for the better sowing and handling the sailes. Bunt lines is but a small rope made fast to the middest of the Boltrope to a creengle reeved thorowa small blocke which is seased to the yard, to trice or draw up the Bunt of the saile, when you farthell or make it up. The Clew garnet is a rope made fast to the clew of the saile, and from thence runnes in a blocke seased to the middle of the yard, which in furling doth hale up the clew of the saile close to the middle of the yard, and the clew line is the same to the ∥ top sailes top gallant and spret sailes, as the Clew garnet is to the maine and foresailes. The Clew of a saile is the lowest corner next the Sheat and Tackes, and stretcheth somewhat goaring1 or sloping from the square of the saile, and according to the Goaring she is said to spread a great or a little clew. Tackes are great ropes which having a wall-knot at one end seased into the clew of the saile, and so reeved first thorowthe chestres,2 and then commeth in at a hole in the ships sides, this doth carry forward the clew of the saile to make it stand close by a wind. The Sheats are bent to the clews of all sailes, in the low sailes they hale aft the clew of the sailes, but in top sailes they serve to hale them home, that is, to bring the clew close to the yards arme. The Braces belong to all yards but the missen, every yard hathtwo reeved at their ends thorowtwo pendants, and those are to square the yards, or travasse them as you please. The Boling is made fast to the leech of the saile about the middest to make it stand the sharper or closer by a wind, it is fastened by two, three, or foure ropes like a crows foot to as many parts of the saile which is called the Boling bridles, onely the missen Boling is fastened to the lower end of the yard, this rope belongs to all sailes except the Spret-saile, and Spret-saile Top-saile, which not having any place to hale it forward by, they cannot use those sailes by a wind: sharp the maine Boling is to hall it taught: hale up the Boling is to pull it harder forward on: checke or ease the Boling is to let it be more slacke. Bolt ropes. Bunt lines. Clew Garnet. Clew line. A Clew. Goaring. Tackes. Sheats. Braces. Boling. Boling bridles. Sharp the Boling. Checke the Boling.

Lee fanngs is a rope reeved into the creengles of the courses, when wee would hale in the bottome of the saile, to lash on a bonnet or take in the saile; and Reeving is but drawing a rope thorowa blocke or oylet3 to runne up and down. Leech lines are small ropes made fast to the Leech of the top-sailes, for they belong to no other; and are reeved into a blocke at the yard close by the top-saile ties, to hale in the Leech of the saile when you take them in. The Leech of a saile is the outward side of a skirt of a saile, from the earing to the clew; and the Earing is that part of the bunt rope ∥ which at all the foure corners of the saile is left open as it were a ring. The two upmost parts are put over the ends of the vards armes, and so made fast to the yards, and the lowermost are seased or Bent to the sheats, and tackes into the clew. The Lifts are two ropes which belong to all yards armes, to top the yards; that is, to make them hang higher or lower at your pleasure. But the top-saile Lifts doe serve for sheats to the top gallant yards, the haling them is called the Topping the Lifts, as top a starboard, or top a port. Lee fanngs. Reeving. Leech lines. Leech of a saile. Earings. Bent. Lifts. Topping the Lifts.

Legs are small ropes put thorowthe bolt ropes of the maine and fore saile, neere to a foot in length, spliced each end into the other in the leech of the saile, having a little eye whereunto the martnets are fastened by two hitches, and the end seased into the standing parts of the martnets, which are also small lines like crow feet reeved thorowa blocke at the top mast head, and so comes downe by the mast to the decke; but the top-saile martnets are made fast to the head of the top gallant mast, and commeth but to the top, where it is haled and called the top martnets, they serve to bring that part of the leech next the yards arme up close to the yard. Latchets4 are small lines sowed in the Bonnets and Drablers like loops to lash or make fast the Bonnet to the course, or the course5 to the Drabler, which we call lashing the Bonnet to the course, or the Drabler to the Bonnet. The Loofe hooke is a tackle with two hookes, one to hitch into a chingle6 of the maine, or fore saile, in the bolt rope in the leech of the saile by the clew, and the other to strap spliced to the chestres to bouse or pull downe the saile to succour the tackes in a stiffe gale of wind, or take off or put on a Bonnet or a Drabler, which are two short sailes to take off or put to the fore course or the maine, which is the fore saile, or maine saile. Legs. Martnet. Latchets. Lashing. The Loofe hook. Bouse. A Bonnet. A Drabler. A Course.

The Knave-line is a rope hathone end fastened to the crosse trees, and so comes downe by the ties to the Rams head, to which is seased a small peece of wood some two foot long with a hole in the end, whereunto the line is reeved, and brought to the ships side, and haled taught to the ∥ Railes to keepe the ties and Halyards from turning about one another when they are new. Knettels7 are two rope yarnes twisted together, and a knot at each end, whereunto to sease a blocke, a rope, or the like. Rope yarnes are the yarnes of any rope untwisted, they serve to sarve8 small ropes, or make Sinnet, Mats, Plats, or Caburnes, and make up the sailes at the yards armes. A Knave line. Knettels. Rope yarnes.

Sinnet is a string made of rope yarne commonly of two, foure, six, eight or nine strings platted in three parts, which being beat flat they use it to sarve ropes or Mats. That which we call a Panch,9 are broad clouts,1 woven of Thrums and Sinnet together, to save things from galling about the maine and fore yards at the ties, and also from the masts, and upon the Boltspret, Loufe, Beake-head or Gunwaile to save the clewes of the sailes from galling or fretting. Caburne is a small line made of spun yarne to make a bend of two Cables, or to sease the Tackels, or the like. Seasing is to binde fast any ropes together, with some small rope yarne. Marline is any line, to a blocke, or any tackell, Pendant, Garnet, or the like. There is also a rope by which the Boat doth ride by the ships side, which we cal a Seasen.2 To sarve any rope with plats or Sinnet, is but to lay Sinnet, Spun yarne, Rope yarne, or a peece of Canvas upon the rope, and then rowle it fast to keepe the rope from galling about the shrowds at the head of the masts, the Cable in the Hawse, the flooke of the Anchor, the Boat rope or any thing. Spunyarne is nothing but rope yarne made small at the ends, and so spun one to another so long as you will with a winch. Also Caskets3 are but small ropes of Sinnet made fast to the gromits or rings upon the yards, the longest are in the midst of the yards betwixt the ties, and are called the brest Caskets, hanging on each side the yard in small lengths, only to binde up the saile when it is furled. Sinnet. Mats or Panch. Caburne. Seasing. Seasen. sarve or Sirvis. Spunyarne. Caskets.

Marling4 is a small line of untwisted hemp, very pliant and well tarred, to sease the ends of Ropes from raveling out, or the sides of the blockes at their arses,5 or if the saile rent6 out of the Boltrope, they will make it fast with marlin ∥ till they have leisure to mend it. The marling spike, is but a small peece of iron to splice ropes together, or open the bolt rope when you sew the saile. Splicing is so to let one ropes end into another they shall be as firme as if they were but one rope, and this is called a round Splice; but the cut7 Splice is to let one into another with as much distance as you will, and yet bee strong, and undoe when you will. Now to make an end of this discourse with a knot, you are to know, Sea-men use three, the first is is called the Wall knot, which is a round knob, so made with the stronds8 or layes of a rope, it cannot slip; the Sheates, Tackes, and Stoppers use this knot. The boling knot is also so firmely made and fastened by the bridles into the creengles of the sailes, they will breake, or the saile split before it will slip. The last is the Shepshanke, which is a knot they cast upon a Runner or Tackle when it is too long to take in the goods, and by this knot they can shorten a rope without cutting it, as much as they list, and presently undoe it againe, and yet never the worse. Marling. Marling spike. Splicing. A round Splice. A cut Splice. A Knot. A Wall knot. A Boling knot. Sheepshanks Knot.

OF Boats there are divers sorts, but those belonging to ships, are called either the long Boat or ships Boat, which should bee able to weigh her sheat anchor, those will live in any reasonable sea, especially the long Boat; great ships have also other small Boats called Shallops and Skiffes, which are with more ∥ ease and lesse trouble rowed to and againe upon any small occasion. To a Boat belongs a mast and saile, a stay sheat and Halyard, Rudder and Rudder irons, as to a ship, also in any discovery they use a Tarpawling,9 which is a good peece of Canvas washed over with Tar, to cover the Bailes or hoopes over the sterne of their Boat, where they lodge in an harbor which is that you call a Tilt covered with wadmall10 in your Wherries; or else an Awning, which is but the boats saile, or some peece of an old saile brought over the yard and stay, and boumed out with the boat hooke, so spread over their heads, which is also much used, as well a shore as in a ship, especially in hot countreys to keepe men from the extremity of heat or wet which is very oft infectious. Thoughts1 are the seats whereon the Rowers sit; and Thowles2 small pins put into little holes in the Gunwaile or upon the Boats side, against which they beare the oares when they row, they have also a Daved, and also in long Boats a windlesse to weigh the anchor by, which is with more ease than the ship can. The two arching timbers against the Boat head are called Carlings.3 Man the Boat is to put a Gang of men, which is a company into her, they are commonly called the Coxswaine Gang4 who haththe charge of her. Free the Boat is to baile or cast out the water. Trim the Boat is to keepe her straight. Winde the Boat is to bring her head the other way. Hold water is to stay her. Forbeare is to hold still any oare you are commanded, or on the broad, or whole side. A fresh Spell is to releeve the Rowers with another Gang, give the Boat more way for a dram of the bottell, who saies Amends,5 one and all, Vea, vea, vea, vea, vea, that is, they pull all strongly together. A long Boat. A Shallop. A Skiffe. Tarpawling. Bailes. Awning. Thoughts. Thowles. A Gang. Free or Baile. Trim Boat Winde Boat. Hold water. Forbeare. A Spell. Vea, vea, vea.

The Entering rope6 is tied by the ships side, to hold by as you goe up the Entering ladder, cleats, or wailes. The Entering rope.

The Bucket rope that is tied to the Bucket by which you hale and draw water up by the ships side. Bucket rope. Bolt ropes.

The Bolt ropes are those wherein the sailes are sowed. Port ropes.

The Port ropes hale up the Ports of the Ordnances. Jeare rope.

The Jeare rope is a peece of a hawser made fast to the ∥ maine yard, another to the fore yard close to the ties, reeved thorowa blocke which is seased close to the top, and so comes downe by the mast, and is reeved thorowanother blocke at the bottome of the mast close by the decke; great ships have on each side the ties one, but small ships none: the use is to helpe to hoise up the yard to succour the ties, which though they breake yet they would hold up the mast.

The Preventer rope is a little one seased crosse over the ties, that if one part of them should breake, yet the other should not runne thorowthe Rams head to indanger the yard. Preventer rope.

The Top ropes are those wherewith we set or strike the maine or fore Top masts, it is reeved thorowa great blocke seased under the Cap, reeved thorowthe heele of the Top mast thwart ships, and then made fast to a ring with a clinch on the other side the Cap, the other part comes downe by the ties, reeved into the Knights, and so brought to the Capstainewhen they set the Top masts. Top ropes.

The Keele rope, you have read in the building,7 is of haire in the Keele to scower the Limber holes. Keele ropes.

The Rudder rope is reeved thorowthe stern post, and goeth thorowthe head of the Rudder, and then both ends spliced together, serves to save the Rudder if it should bee strucke off the irons. Rudder rope.

The Cat rope is to hale up the Cat. Cat rope.

The Boy rope is that which is tied to the boy8 by the one end, and the anchors flooke by the other. Boy rope.

The Boat rope is that which the ship doth tow her Boat by, at her sterne. Boat rope.

The Ghest9 rope is added to the Boat rope when shee is towed at the ships sterne, to keepe her from shearing, that is, from swinging to and againe; for in a stiffe gale she will make such yawes, and have such girds,1 it would indanger her to bee torne in peeces, but that they use to swift her, that is, to incircle the Gunwaile with a good rope, and to that make fast the Ghest rope. Ghest rope. Shearing. Swifting.

THE proper tearmes belonging to Anchors are many: the least are called Kedgers, to use in calme weather in a slow streame, or to kedg up and downe a narrow River, which is when they feare the winde or tide may drive them on shore; they row by her with an Anchor in a boat, and in the middest of the streame, or where they finde most fit if the Ship come too neere the shore, and so by a Hawser winde her head about, then waigh it againe till the like occasion, and this is kedging. There is also a streame Anchor not much bigger, to stemme an easie stream or tide. Then there is the first, second, and third Anchor, yet all such as a Ship in faire weather may ride by, and are called Bow Anchors. The greatest is the sheat Anchor, and never used but in great necessity. They are commonly made according to the burthen of the Ship by proportion, for that the sheat Anchor of a small ship will not serve for a Kedger to a great ship. Also it beareth a proportion in it selfe, as the one flooke, which is that doth sticke in the ground, is but the third part of the shanke in length; at the head of the Shanke there is a hole called an Eye, and in it a Ring, wherein is the Nut to which there is fast fixed a Stocke of wood crossing the Flookes, and the length is taken from the length of the Shanke. These ∥ differ not in shape but in waight, from two hundred, to three or foure thousand waight. Grapells,2 or Graplings, are the least of all, and have foure flookes but no stock; for a boat to ride by, or to throw into a ship in a fight, to pull downe the gratings or hold fast. A Kedger. Streame Anchor. The first. Second. Third Anchor. Sheat Anchor. An Anchors shanke. Flook. Shoulder. Beame or Nut-Eye. Ring. Stocke.

The Cables also carry a proportion to the Anchors, but if it be not three strond, it is accounted but a Hawser, yet a great ships Hawser may be a Cable to the sheat Anchor for a small ship: and there is the first, second, and third Cable, besides the Sheat Anchor Cable. If the Cable bee well made, we say it is well laid. To keckell or sarve the Cable, as is said, is but to bind some old clouts to keepe it from galling in the Hawse or Ring. Splice a Cable, is to fasten two ends together, that it may be double in length, to make the Ship ride with more ease, and is called a shot3 of Cable. Quoile4 a Cable, is to lay it up in a round Ring, or fake one above another. Pay more Cable, is when you carry an Anchor out in the boat to turne over. Pay cheap, is when you over set it, or turnes it over boord faster. Veere more Cable, is when you ride at Anchor. And end for end is when the Cable runneth cleere out of the Hawse, or any Rope out of his shiver. A Bight is to hold by any part of a coile, that is, the upmost fake. A Bitter is but the turne of a Cable about the Bits, and veare it out by little and little. And the Bitters end is that part of the Cable doth stay within boord. Gert,5 is when the Cable is so taught that upon the turning of a tide, a Ship cannot goe over it. A Cable, the first, second, and third. Sheat Anchor Cable. Keckell. Splice. A shot of Cable. Quoile. A Fake. Pay. Pay cheape. End for end. A Bight. A Bitter. A Bitters end. Gert.

To bend the Cable to the Anchor, is to make it fast to the Ring; unbend the Cable, is but to take it away, which we usually doe when we are at Sea, and to tie two ropes or Cables together is called bending. Hitch, is to catch hold of any thing with a rope to hold it fast, or with a hooke, as hitch the fish-hooke to the Anchors flooke, or the Tackles into the Garnets of the Slings. Fenders are peeces of old Hawsers called Junkes hung over the ship sides to keepe them from brusing. In boats they use poles or boat-hooks to fend off the boat from brusing. A Brest-fast is a ∥ rope which is fastened to some part of the Ship forward on, to hold her head to a wharfe or any thing, and a Sterne-fast is the same in the Sterne. The use for the Hawser is to warp the Ship by, which is laying out an Anchor, and winde her up to it by a Capsterne. Rousing is but pulling the slacknesse of any Cables with mens hands into the Ship. The Shank-painter is a short chaine fastend under the fore masts shrouds with a bolt to the ships sides, and at the other end a rope to make fast the Anchor to the Bow. To stop is when you come to an Anchor, and veares out your Cable, but by degrees till the Ship ride well, then they say stop the Ship. To those Cables and Anchors belongs short peeces of wood called Boyes, or close hooped barrels like Tankards as is said, but much shorter, to shew you the Anchor and helpe to waigh it, there is another sort of Cans called Can Boyes much greater, mored upon shoules to give Marriners warning of the dangers. To bend. Unbend. Bending. Hitch. Fenders. Junkes. Brestfast. Sternfast. Rousing. Shank-painter. Stop. Boyes. Can Boyes. Sailes.

The maine saile and the fore saile is called the fore course, and the maine course or a paire of courses. Bonits and Drablers are commonly one third part a peece to the saile they belong unto in depth, but their proportion is uncertaine; for some will make the maine saile so deepe, that with a shallow bonet they will cloath all the Mast without a Drabler, but without bonets we call them but courses; we say, lash on the bonet to the course, because it is made fast with Latchets into the eylot holes of the saile, as the Drabler is to it, and used as the wind permits. There is also your maine top-saile, and fore top-saile, with their top-gallant sailes, and in a faire gaile your studding sailes, which are bolts of Canvasse, or any cloth that will hold wind, wee extend alongst the side of the maine saile, and boomes it out with a boome or long pole, which we use also sometimes to the clew of the maine saile, fore saile, and spret saile, when you goe before the wind or quartering, else not. Your Miszen, and Miszen top-saile, your Spret and Spret top-saile, as the rest, take all their names of their yards. A Drift saile is onely used under water, veared out right a head by sheats, ∥ to keepe the Ships head right upon the Sea in a storme, or when a ship drives too fast in a current. A Netting saile is onely a saile laid over the Netting, which is small ropes from the top of the fore castle to the Poope, stretched upon the ledges from the Waist-trees to the Roufe-trees,6 which are onely small Timbers to beare up the Gratings from the halfe Decke to the fore-castle, supported by Stantions7 that rest upon the halfe Decke; and this Netting or Grating, which is but the like made of wood, you may set up or take downe when you please, and is called the close fights fore and aft. Now the use of those sailes is thus, all head Sailes which are those belonging to the fore Mast and Boltspret, doe keepe the Ship from the wind or to fall off. All after sailes, that is, all the sailes belonging to the maine Mast and Miszen keepes her to wind ward, therefore few ships will steare upon quarter winds with one saile, but must have one after saile, and one head saile. The sailes are cut in proportion as the Masts and Yards are in bredth and length, but the Spret-saile is ¾ parts the depth of the fore saile, and the Miszen by the Leech twise so deepe as the Mast is long from the Decke to the Hounds. The Leech of a saile is the outward side or skirt of the saile from the earing to the clew, the middle betwixt which wee account the Leech. The Clew is the lower corner of a Saile, to which you make fast your Sheats and Tacks, or that which comes goring out from the square of the saile, for a square saile hathno Clew, but the maine saile must bee cut goring, because the Tacks will come closer aboord, and so cause the saile to hold more wind; now when the Saile is large and hatha good Clew, we say she spreds a large Clew, or spreds much Canvas. In making those sailes they use two sorts of seames downe the Sailes, which doth sow the bredth of the Canvas together, the one we call a Munke8 seame, which is flat, the other a round seame, which is so called because it is round. Maine Saile. Fore Saile. Maine course. Fore course. Bonits. Drablers. Maine top Saile. Fore top Saile. Top gallant Sailes. Studding Sailes. Misen. Misen top Saile. Spret saile. Spretsaile top-Saile. Drift Saile. Netting Saile. Nettings. Waist-trees. Roufe-trees. Stantions. Gratings. Head Sailes. After Sailes. Leech. The Clew. Goring. A Monke seame.

The Ship being thus provided, there wants yet her Ordnances, which should be in greatnesse according to her ∥ building in strength and burthen, but the greatest commonly lieth lowest, which we call the lower tier, if she bee furnished fore and aft. Likewise the second Tier, and the third, which are the smallest. The fore-Castle and the halfe Decke being also furnished, wee account halfe a Tier. A Round seame. A Tier. Third. Second. Halfe a Tier.

Stowage or to stow, is to put the goods in Howle in order. The most ponderous next the Ballast, which is next the Keelson to keepe her stiffe in the Sea. Balast is either Gravell, Stones, or Lead, but that which is driest, heaviest, and lies closest is best. To finde a leake, they trench the Ballast, that is, to divide it. The Ballast wil sometimes shoot, that is, run from one side to another, and so will Corne and Salt, if you make not Pouches or Bulk-heads, which when the Ship doth heeld is very dangerous to overset or turne the Keele upwards. For Caske that is so stowed, tier above tier with Ballast, and canting Coines, which are little short peeces of wood or Billets cut with a sharpe ridge or edge to lye betwixt the Caske; and standing Coines are Billets or Pipe-staves, to make them they cannot give way nor stirre. The ship will beare much, that is, carry much Ordnance or goods, or beare much saile; and when you let any thing downe into the Howle, lowering it by degrees, they say, Amaine; and being downe, Strike. Stowage. To Stow. Ballast. Trench the Ballast. Shout. Canting Coines. Standing Coines. To beare.

THE Captaines charge is to command all, and tell the Master to what Port hee will goe, or to what Height; In a fight he is to give direction for the managing thereof, and the Master is to see the cunning of the ship, and trimming of the sailes. The Captaines charge.

The Master and his Mates are to direct the course, command all the Sailers, for stearing, trimming, and sailing the ship; his Mates are only his seconds, allowed sometimes for the two mid ships men, that ought to take charge of the first prise. The Master and his Mates.

The Pilot when they make land doth take the charge of the ship till he bring her to harbour. The Pilot.

The Chirurgion is to be exempted from all duty, but to attend the sicke, and cure the wounded: and good care would be had he have a certificate from Barber Chirurgions Hall of his sufficiency, and also that his chest be well furnished both for Physicke and Chirurgery, and so neare as may be proper for that clime you goe for, which neglect hathbeene the losse of many a mans life. The Chirurgion and his Mate. The Cape-merchant or Purser.

The Cape-merchant or Purser haththe charge of all the Carragasoune or merchandize, and doth keepe an account of all that is received, or delivered, but a man of Warre hathonely a Purser. The Gunner with his Mate, and quarter Gunners.

The Master Gunner haththe charge of the ordnance, and shot, powder, match, ladles, spunges, wormes, car- ∥ trages, armes and fire-workes; and the rest of the Gunners, or quarter Gunners to receive their charge from him according to directions, and to give an account of their store.

The Carpenter and his Mate, is to have the nailes, clinches, roove and clinch nailes, spikes, plates, rudder irons, pumpe nailes, skupper nailes and leather, sawes, files, hatchets and such like, and ever ready for calking, breaming, stopping leakes, fishing, or splicing the masts or yards as occasion requireth, and to give an account of his store. The Carpenter and his Mate.

The Boatswaine is to have the charge of all the cordage, tackling, sailes, fids and marling spikes, needles, twine, saile-cloth, and rigging the ship, his Mate the command of the long boat, for the setting forth of anchors, weighing or fetching home an anchor, warping, towing, or moring, and to give an account of his store. The Boatswaine and his Mate.

The Trumpeter is alwayes to attend the Captaines command, and to sound either at his going a shore, or comming aboord, at the entertainment of strangers, also when you hale a ship, when you charge, boord, or enter; and the poope is his place to stand or sit upon, if there bee a noise, they are to attend him, if there be not, every one hee doth teach to beare a part, the Captaine is to incourage him, by increasing his shares, or pay, and give the master Trumpeter a reward. The Trumpeter.

The Marshall is to punish offenders, and to see justice executed according to directions; as ducking at the yards arme, haling under the keele, bound to the capsterne, or maine mast with a basket of shot about his necke, setting in the bilbowes, and to pay the Cobtie or the Morioune; but the boyes the Boatswaine is to see every Munday at the chest, to say their compasse, and receive their punishment for all their weekes offences, which done, they are to have a quarter can of beere, and a basket of bread, but if the Boatswaine eat or drinke before hee catch them, they are free. The Marshall.

The Corporall is to see the setting and releeving the watch, and see all the souldiers and sailers keepe their armes ∥ cleane, neat, and yare and teach them their use. The Corporall.

The Steward is to deliver out the victuals according to the Captaines directions, and messe them foure, five, or six, as there is occasion. The Steward and his Mate.

The quarter Masters have the charge of the howle, for stowing, romaging, and trimming the ship in the hold, and of their squadrons for the watch, and for fishing to have a Sayne, a fisgig, a harpin yron, and fish hookes, for Porgos, Bonetos, Dolphins, or Dorados, and rayling lines for Mackrels. The quarter Masters.

The Cooper is to looke to the caske, hoopes and twigs, to stave or repaire the buckets, baricos, cans, steepe tubs, runlets, hogsheads, pipes, buts, etc. for wine, beare, sider, beverage, fresh water, or any liquor. The Cooper and his Mate.

The Coxswaine is to have a choise Gang to attend the skiffe to goe to and againe as occasion commandeth. The Coxswaine and his Mate.

The Cooke is to dresse and deliver out the victuall, hee hathhis store of quarter cans, small cans, platters, spoones, lanthornes, etc. and is to give his account of the remainder. The Cooke and his Mate.

The Swabber is to wash and keepe cleane the ship and maps. The Swabber.

The Liar is to hold his place but for a weeke, and hee that is first taken with a lie, every Munday is so proclaimed at the maine mast by a generall cry, a Liar, a Liar, a Liar, hee is under the Swabber, and onely to keepe cleane the beake head, and chaines. The Lyar.

The Sailers are the ancient men for hoising the sailes, getting the tacks aboord, haling the bowlings, and stearing the ship. The Sailers.

The Younkers are the young men called fore-mast men, to take in the top-sailes, or top and yard, for furling the sailes, or slinging the yards, bousing or trising, and take their turnes at helme. The Younkers.

The Lieutenant is to associate the Captaine, and in his absence to execute his place, hee is to see the Marshall and Corporall doe their duties, and assist them in instructing ∥ the souldiers, and in a fight the fore-castle is his place to make good, as the Captaine doth the halfe decke, and the quarter Masters, or Masters Mate the mid ships, and in a States man of Warre, he is allowed as necessary as a Lieutenant on shore. The Lieutenant his place.

IT is to bee supposed by this the Ship is victualled and manned, the voiage determined, the steepe Tubs in the chains to shift their Beefe, Porke, or Fish in salt water, till the salt be out though not the saltnesse, and all things else ready to set saile; but before wee goe any further, for the better understanding the rest, a few words for stearing and cunning the Ship would not bee amisse. Then know, Star-boord is the right hand, Lar-boord the left; Starboord the Helme, is to put the Helme a Starboord, then the ship will goe to the Larboord. Right your Helme, that is, to keepe it in the mid ships, or right up. Port, that is, to put the Helme to Larboord, and the Ship will goe to the Starboord, for the Ship will ever goe contrary to the Helme. Now by a quarter wind, they will say aloofe, or keepe your loofe, keepe her to it, have a care of your Lee-latch.1 Touch the wind, and warre no more, is no more but2 to bid him at the Helme to keepe her so neere the wind as may be; no neere, ease the Helme, or beare up, is to let her fall to Lee-ward. Steady, that is, to keepe ∥ her right upon that point you steare by; be yare at the Helme, or a fresh man to the Helme. But he that keepes the Ship most from yawing doth commonly use the lest motion with the Helme, and those steare the best. Steep Tubs. Starboord. Larboord. Cunning. Stearing. Mid-ships. Port. A loofe. Keep your loofe. War no more. No neare. Ease. Steady. Yare.

The Master and company being aboord, he commands them to get the sailes to the yards, and about your geare or worke on all hands, stretch forward your maine Halliards, hoise your Sailes halfe mast high. Predy,3 or make ready to set saile, crosse your yards, bring your Cable to the Capsterne; Boatswaine fetch an Anchor aboord, breake ground or weigh Anchor. Heave a head, men into the Tops, men upon the yards; come, is the Anchor a pike, that is, to heave the Hawse of the ship right over the Anchor, what is the Anchor away? Yea, yea. Let fall your fore-saile. Tally, that is, hale off the Sheats; who is at the Helme there, coile your Cables in small fakes, hale the Cat, a Bitter, belay, loose fast your Anchor with your shank-painter, stow the Boat, set the land, how it beares by the Compasse that we may the better know thereby to keep our account and direct our course, let fall your maine saile, every man say his private prayer for a boone voyage, out with your spret saile, on with your bonits and Drablers, steare steady and keep your course, so, you go wel. Geare. Predy. A Pike. Tally.

When this is done,4 the Captaine or Master commands the Boatswaine to call up the company; the Master being chiefe of the Starboord watch doth call one, and his right hand Mate on the Larboord doth call another, and so forward till they be divided in two parts, then each man is to chuse his Mate, Consort, or Comrade, and then devide them into squadrons according to your number and burthen of your ship as you see occasion; these are to take their turnes at the Helme, trim sailes, pumpe, and doe all duties each halfe, or each squadron for eight Glasses or foure houres which is a watch, but care would bee had that there be not two Comrades upon one watch because they may have the more roome in their Cabbins to rest. And as the Captaine and masters Mates, Gunners, Carpenters, Quartermasters, Trumpeters, etc. are to be abaft the Mast, so the ∥ Boatswaine, and all the Yonkers or common Sailers under his command is to be before the Mast. The next is, to messe them foure to a messe, and then give every messe a quarter Can of beere and a basket of bread to stay their stomacks till the Kettle be boiled, that they may first goe to prayer, then to supper, and at six a clocke sing a Psalme, say a Prayer, and the Master with his side begins the watch, then all the rest may doe what they will till midnight; and then his Mate with his Larboord men with a Psalme and a Prayer releeves them till foure in the morning, and so from eight to twelve each other, except some flaw5 of winde come, some storme or gust, or some accident that requires the helpe of all hands, which commonly after such good cheere in most voyages doth happen. How they divide the company at sea, and set, and rule the watch.

For now the wind veeres, that is, it doth shift from point to point, get your Starboord tacks aboord, and tally6 or hale off your Lee-Sheats. The Ship will not wayer,7 settle your maine Topsaile, veere a fadome of your sheat. The wind comes faire againe and a fresh gale, hale up the slatch of the Lee-boling. By Slatch8 is meant the middle part of any rope hangs over boord. Veere more sheat, or a flowne sheat, that is, when they are not haled home to the blocke. But when we say, let fly the sheats, then they let go amaine, which commonly is in some gust, lest they spend their top-sailes, or if her quicke side lie in the water, overset the ship. A flowne sheat is when shee goes before the wind, or betwixt a paire of sheats, or all sailes drawing. But the wind shrinkes, that is, when you must take in the Spretsaile, and get the tacks aboord, hale close the maine Boling, that is, when your Tacks are close aboord. If you would saile against the wind or keepe your owne, that is, not to fall to lee-ward or goe backe againe, by halling off close your Bolings, you set your sailes so sharp as you can to lie close by a wind, thwarting it a league or two, or more or lesse, as you see cause, first on the one boord then on the other; this we call boording or beating it up upon a tacke in the winds eye, or bolting to and againe; but the longer ∥ your boords are, the more you worke or gather into the wind. If a sudden flaw of wind should surprise you, when you would lower a yard so fast as you can, they call A maine; but a crosse saile cannot come neerer the wind than six points, but a Carvell whose sailes stand like a paire of Tailers sheeres, will goe much neerer. The wind veeres. Tally. Flowne. Fly. A paire of courses.

It over-casts we shall have wind, fowle weather, settell your top sailes, take in the spret-saile, in with your top-sailes, lower the fore-saile, tallow under the parrels, brade up close all them sailes, lash sure the ordnance, strike your top-masts to the cap, make it sure with your sheeps feet. A storme, let us lie at Trie9 with our maine course, that is, to hale the tacke aboord, the sheat close aft, the boling set up, and the helme tied close aboord. When that will not serve then Try the mizen, if that split, or the storme grow so great she cannot beare it; then hull, which is to beare no saile, but to strike a hull is when they would lie obscurely in the Sea, or stay for some consort, lash sure the helme a lee, and so a good ship will lie at ease under the Sea as wee terme it. If shee will weather coile,1 and lay her head the other way without loosing a saile, that must bee done by bearing up the Helme, and then she will drive nothing so farre to Leeward. They call it hulling also in a calme swelling Sea, which is commonly before a storme, when they strike their sailes lest she should beat them in peeces against the mast by Rowling. We say a ship doth Labour much when she doth rowle much any way; but if she will neither Try nor Hull, Then Spoone, that is, put her right before the wind, this way although shee will rowle more than the other, yet if she be weake it will not straine her any thing so much in the Trough of the Sea, which is the distance betwixt two waves or Billowes. If none of this will doe well, then she is in danger to founder, if not sinke. Foundering is when she will neither veere nor steare, the Sea will so over rake2 her, except you free out the water, she will lie like a log, and so consequently sinke. To spend a mast or yard, is when they are broke by fowle weather, and to spring a mast is when it is cracked in any place. How to handle a ship in a storme. Try. Hull. Under the Sea. Weather coile. Rowling. Labour. Spoone. Trough. Founder. To spend a mast. Spring a mast.

In this extremity he that doth cun the ship cannot have too much judgement, nor experience to try her drift, or how she capes,3 which are two tearmes also used in the trials of the running or setting of currants. A yoke is when the Sea is so rough as that men cannot govern the Helme with their hands, and then they sease a block to the Helme on each side at the end, and reeving two fals thorowthem like Gunners Tackles brings them to the ships side, and so some being at the one side of the Tackle, some at the other, they steare her with much more ease than they can with a single rope with a double Turne about the Helme. A Yoke.

When the storme is past, though the wind may alter three or foure points of the compasse, or more, yet the Sea for a good time will goe the same way; then if your course be right against it, you shall meet it right a head, so we call it a head Sea. Sometimes when there is but little wind, there will come a contrary Sea, and presently the winde after it, wherby we may judge that from whence it came was much winde, for commonly before any great storme the Sea will come that way. Now if the ship may runne on shore in ose4 or mud she may escape, or Billage on a rocke, or Ancors flooke, repaire her leake, but if she split or sinke, shee is a wracke. But seeing the storme decreaseth, let us trie if she will endure the Hullocke of a Saile, which sometimes is a peece of the mizen saile or some other little saile, part opened to keepe her head to the sea, but if yet shee would weather coile, wee will loose a Hullocke of her fore-saile, and put the Helme a weather, and it will bring her head where her sterne is; courage my hearts. A head Sea. Hullocke.

It cleares up, set your fore-saile; Now it is faire weather, out with all your sailes, goe lardge or laske, that is, when we have a fresh gale, or faire wind, and all sailes drawing. But for more haste unparrell the mizen yard and lanch it, and the saile over her Lee quarter, and fit Guies at the further end to keepe the yard steady, and with a Boome boome it out; this we call a Goose-wing. Who is at Helme there? Sirra you must be amongst the Points; Well Master ∥ the Channell is broad enough; Yet you cannot steare betwixt a paire of sheats;5 Those are words of mockery betwixt the Cunner and the Stearesman. But to proceed, Lardge. Laske. Goosewing.

Get your Larboord Tackes aboord, hale off your starboord sheats, keepe your course upon the point you are directed, Port, he will lay her by the lee; the staies, or backe staies, that is, when all the sailes flutter in the winde, and are not kept full, that is full of wind, they fall upon the masts and shrowds, so that the ship goes a drift upon her broad side, fill the sailes, keepe full, full and by.6 Make ready to Tacke about, is but for every man to stand to handle the sailes and ropes they must hale; Tacke about is to beare up the helme, and that brings her to stay all her sailes lying flat against the shrowds, then as she turnes wee say shee is payed, then let rise your Lee-tacks and hale off your sheats, and trim all your sailes as they were before, which is cast of that Boling which was the weather boling, and hale up taught the other. So all your Sheats, Brases,7 and Tackes are trimmed by a winde as before. To belay, is to make fast the ropes in their proper places. Round in, is when the wind larges, let rise the maine tacke and fore tacke, and hale aft the fore sheat to the cats head, and the maine sheat to the cubbridge head, this is Rounding in, or rounding aft the saile; the sheats being there they hale them downe to keepe them firme from flying up with a Pasarado, which is any rope wherewith wee hale downe the sheats, blockes of the maine or fore saile, when they are haled aft the clew of the maine saile to the Cubbridge head of the maine mast, and the clew of the fore saile to the Cat head; Doe this when the ships goes large. Round in. Rounding aft. Pasarado.

Observe the height,8 that is, at twelve a clocke to take the height of the Sunne, or in the night the North star, or in the forenoone and afternoone, if you misse these by finding the Azimuth and Almicanter.9 Dead water is the Eddie water followes the sterne of the ship, not passing away so quickly as that slides by her sides. The wake of a ship is the smooth water a sterne shewing the way shee hath ∥ gone in the sea, by this we judge what way she doth make, for if the wake be right a sterne, we know she makes good her way forwards; but if to Lee-ward a point or two, wee then thinke to the Lee-ward of her course, but shee is a nimble ship that in turning or tacking about will not fall to thee Lee-ward of her wake when shee hath weathered it. Disimbogue is to passe some narrow strait or currant into the maine Ocean, out of some great Gulfe or Bay. A Drift is any thing floating in the sea that is of wood. Rockweed doth grow by the shore, and is a signe of land, yet it is oft found farre in the Sea. Lay the ship by the Lee to trie the Dipsie line, which is a small line some hundred and fifty fadome long, with a long plummet at the end, made hollow, wherein is put tallow, that will bring up any gravell; which is first marked at twenty fadome, and after increased by tens to the end; and those distinguished by so many small knots upon each little string that is fixed at the marke thorowthe stronds or middest of the line, shewing it is so many times ten fadome deepe, where the plummet doth rest from drawing the line out of your hand; this is onely used in deepe water when we thinke we approach the shore, for in the maine sea at 300. fadomes we finde no bottome. Bring the ship to rights, that is, againe under saile as she was, some use a Log line, and a minute glasse to know what way shee makes, but that is so uncertaine, it is not worth the labour to trie it. Observe. Dead water. The Wake. Disimbogue. A Drift. Rockweed. Dipsie line. Plummet. Log line.

One to the top to looke out for land, the man cries out Land to; which is just so farre as a kenning, or a man may discover, descrie, or see the land. And to lay a land is to saile from it just so farre as you can see it. A good Land fall is when we fall just with our reckoning, if otherwise a bad Land fall; but however how it beares, set it by the compasse, and bend your Cables to the Anchors. A Head land, or a Point of land doth lie further out at sea than the rest. A Land marke, is any Mountaine, Rocke, Church, Windmill or the like, that the Pilot can know by comparing one by another how they beare by the compasse. A Reach ∥ is the distance of two points so farre as you can see them in a right line, as White Hall and London Bridge, or White Hall and the end of Lambeth towards Chelsey. Fetch the Sounding line, this is bigger than the Dipsie line, and is marked at two fadome next the lead with a peece of blacke leather, at three fadome the like, but slit; at 5. fadome with a peece of white cloth, at 7. fadome with a peece of red in a peece of white leather, at 15. with a white cloth, etc.1 The sounding lead is six or seven pound weight, and neere a foot long, he that doth heave this lead stands by the horse, or in the chaines, and doth sing fadome by the marke 5. o.2 and a shaftment lesse, 4. o. this is to finde where the ship may saile by the depth of the water. Fowle water is when she comes into shallow water where shee raises the sand or ose with her way yet not touch the ground, but shee cannot feele her helme so well as in deepe water. Land to. Kenning. To lay a land. Good land fall. Bad land fall. A head land. A Point. Land marke. To raise a land. To make land. A Reach. Sounding line. The Lead. Fowle water.

When a ship sailes with a large wind towards the land, or a faire wind into a harbour, we say she beares in with the land or harbour. And when she would not come neere the land, but goeth more Roome-way3 than her course, wee say she beares off; but a ship boord, beare off is used to every thing you would thrust from you. Beare up is to bring the ship to goe large or before the wind. To Hold off is when we heave the Cable at the Capsterne, if it be great and stiffe, or slimie with ose, it surges or slips backe unlesse they keep it close to the whelps, and then they either hold it fast with nippers, or brings it to the Jeare Capsterne, and this is called Holding off. As you approach the shore, shorten your sailes, when you are in harbour take in your sailes, and come to an anchor, wherein much judgement is required. Beare in. Beare off. Beare up. Hold off. Surges.

To know well the soundings, if it be Nealed to,4 that is, deepe water close aboord the shore, or shallow, or if the Lee under the weather shore, or the lee shore be sandy, clay, osie, or fowle and rockie ground, but the Lee shore all men would shun that can avoid it. Or a Roade which is an open place neere the shore. Or the Offing which is the open Sea from the shore, or the middest of any great streame is cal- ∥ led the Offing. Land locke, is when the land is round about you. Neale to. A Roade. Offing. Land locked.

Now the ship is said to Ride, so long as the Anchors doe hold and comes not home. To Ride a great roade is when the winde hath much power. They will strike their top masts, and the yards alongst ships, and the deeper the water is, it requires more Cable; when wee have rid in any distresse wee say wee have rid hawse full, because the water broke into the hawses. To ride betwixt wind and tide, is when the wind and tide are contrary and of equall power, which will make her rowle extremely, yet not straine much the cable. To Ride thwart is to ride with her side to the tide, and then she never straines it. To ride apike is to pike your yards when you ride amongst many ships. To ride acrosse is to hoise the maine and fore yards to the hounds, and topped alike. When the water is gone and the ships lies dry, we say she is Sewed;5 if her head but lie dry, she is Sewed a head; but if she cannot all lie dry, she cannot Sew there. Water borne is when there is no more water than will just beare her from the ground. The water line is to that Bend or place she should swim in when she is loaded. To Ride. Ride a great Roade. Ride a stresse. Ride betwixt Wind and tide. Ride thwart tide. Ride a pike. Ride crosse. Sewed. Sew. Water borne. Water line.

Lastly, to More6 a ship is to lay out her anchors as is most fit for her to ride by, and the wayes are divers; as first, to More a faire Berth from any annoiance. To More a crosse is to lay one anchor to one side of the streame, and the other to the other right against one another, and so they beare equally ebbe and flood. To More alongst is to lay an anchor amidst the streame ahead, and another asterne, when you feare driving a shore. Water shot is to more quartering betwixt both nether7 crosse, nor alongst the tide. In an open rode they will more that way they thinke the wind will come the most to hurt them. To more a Proviso, is to have one anchor in the river, and a hawser a shore, which is mored with her head a shore; otherwise two cables is the least, and foure cables the best to more by. To More. More crosse. More alongst. Water shot. More Proviso.

WHEN there is not a breath of wind stirring, it is a calme or a starke calme. A Breze is a wind blowes out of the Sea, and commonly in faire weather beginneth about nine in the morning, and lasteth till neere night; so likewise all the night it is from the shore which is called a Turnado, or a Sea-turne, but this is but upon such coasts where it bloweth thus most certainly, except it be a storme, or very fowle weather, as in Barbaria, Ægypt, and the most of the Levant. We have such Brezes in most hot countreys in Summer, but they are very uncertaine. A fresh Gale is that doth presently blow after a calme, when the wind beginneth to quicken or blow. A faire Loome Gale is the best to saile in, because the Sea goeth not high, and we beare out all our sailes. A stiffe Gale is so much wind as our top-sailes can endure to beare. An Eddie wind is checked by the saile, a mountaine, turning, or any such thing that makes it returne backe againe. It over blowes when we can beare no top-sailes. A flaw of wind is a Gust which is very violent upon a sudden, but quickly endeth. A Spout in the West Indies commonly falleth in those Gusts, which is, as it were, a small river falling entirely from the clouds, like out of our water Spouts, which make the Sea where it falleth rebound ∥ in flashes exceeding high. Whirle winds runneth round, and bloweth divers wayes at once. A storme is knowne to every one not to bee much lesse than a tempest, that will blow downe houses, and trees up by the roots. A Mounsoune is a constant wind in the East Indies, that bloweth alwayes three moneths together one way, and the next three moneths the contrary way. A Hericano is so violent in the West Indies, it will continue three, foure, or five weekes, but they have it not past once in five, six, or seven yeeres; but then it is with such extremity that the Sea flies like raine, and the waves so high, they over flow the low grounds by the Sea, in so much, that ships have been driven over tops of high trees there growing, many leagues into the land, and there left, as was Captaine Francis Nelson8 an Englishman, and an excellent Sea man for one. A Calme. A Breze. A fresh gale. A Loome gale. Eddie wind. It over blowes. A Gust. A Spout. A whirle wind. A Storme. A Tempest. A Mounsoune. A Hericano.

We say a calme sea, or Becalmed, when it is so smooth the ship moves very little, and the men leap over boord to swim. A Rough Sea is when the waves grow high. An overgrowne Sea when the surges and billowes goe highest. The Rut of the sea where it doth dash against any thing. And the Roaring of the Sea is most commonly observed a shore, a little before a storme or after a storme. Becalmed. A Rough Sea. An overgrowne Sea. Surges. The Rut of the Sea.

Flood is when the water beginneth to rise, which is young flood as we call it, then quarter flood, halfe flood, full Sea, still water, or high water. So when it Ebbes, quarter ebbe, halfe ebbe, three quarter ebbe, low water, or dead low water every one doth know; and also that as at a spring tide the Sea or water is at the highest, so at a Neape tide it is at the lowest. This word Tide, is common both to Flood and Ebbe; for you say as well tide of ebbe, as tide of flood, or a windward Tide when the Tide runnes against the streame, as a Lee-warde Tide, that is, when the wind and the Tide goeth both one way, which makes the water as smooth as the other rough. To Tide over to a place, is to goe over with the Tide of ebbe or flood, and stop the contrary by anchoring till the next Tide, thus you may worke against the wind if it over blow not. A Tide gate is where ∥ the tide runneth strongest. It flowes Tide and halfe Tide, that is, it will be halfe flood by the shore, before it begin to flow in the channell; for although the Tide of flood run aloft, yet the Tide of ebbe runnes close by the ground. An Eddie tide is where the water doth runne backe contrary to the tide, that is, when some headland or great point in a River hindereth the free passage of the streame, that causeth the water on the other side the point to turne round by the shore as in a circle, till it fall into the tide againe. The Roaring of the Sea. Floods and ebbes. A Tide of ebbe. A Tide of flood. A windward Tide. A Lee-ward tide. To Tide over. A Tide gate. Tide and halfe Tide. Eddie Tide.

As touching the reasons of ebbes and floods, and to know how far it is to the bottome of the deepest place of the Sea, I will not take upon me to discourse of; as knowing the same to be the secrets of God unrevealed to man: only I will set downe a Philosophicall speculation of divers mens opinions touching the depth of the Sea; which I hope will not be thought much impertinent to the subject of this booke by the judicious Reader.1

Fabianus in Plinie, and Cleomides conceived the depth of the Sea to be fifteene furlongs, that is, a mile and 7/8 parts, Plutarch compared it equall to the highest mountaines, Scallinger and others conceited the hils farre surpassed the deepnesse of the Sea, and that in few places it is more than a hundered paces in depth, it may bee hee meant in some narrow Seas, but in the maine Ocean experience hathtaught us it is much more than twice so much, for I have sounded 300. fadome, yet found no ground. Eratosthenes in Theon that great Mathematitian writeth the highest mountain perpendicular is but ten furlongs, that is, one mile and a quarter. Also Dicæarcus affirmeth this to be the height of the hill Pelius in Thessalia, but Xenagoras in Plutarch observed the height of Olimpus in the same region to be twenty paces more, which is 1270. paces, but surely all those meane onely those mountaines in or about Greece where they lived and were best acquainted; but how these may compare with the Alps in Asia, Atlas in Africa, Caucasus in India, the Andes in Peru, and divers others hathnot yet beene examined. The height of mountaines perpendicular.

But whatsoever the hils may be above the superficies of the earth, many hold opinion the Sea is much deeper, who suppose that the earth at the first framing was in the superficies regular and sphericall, as the holy Scriptures directs us to beleeve; because the water covered and compassed all the face of the earth, also that the face of the earth was equall to that of the Sea. Damascen noteth, that the unevennesse and irregularity which now is seene in the earths superficies, was caused by taking some parts out of the upper face of the earth in sundry places to make it more hollow, and lay them in other places to make it more convex, or by raising up some part and depressing others to make roome and receit for the Sea, that mutation being wrought by the power of the word of the Lord, Let the waters be gathered into one place that the dry land may appeare. As for Aquinas, Dionysius, Catharianus, and some Divines that conceited there was no mutation, but a violent accumulation of the waters, or heaping them up on high is unreasonable; because it is against nature, that water being a flexible and a ponderous body, so to consist and stay it selfe, and not fall to the lower parts about it; where in nature there is nothing to hinder it, or, if it be restrained supernaturally by the hand and bridle of Almighty God, lest it should over-whelme and drowne all the land, it must follow, that God even in the very institution of nature imposed a perpetuall violence upon nature. And this with all, that at the Deluge there was no necessity to breake up the springs of the deepe and to open the cattaracts of Heaven, and powre downe water continually so many daies and nights together, seeing the only with-drawing of that hand, or letting goe of that bridle which restraineth the water would presently have overwhelmed all. The height of the hils compared with the superficies of the earth and depth of the Sea. How all the hils and dry land above the superficies of the Sea hath made roome for the Sea, therefore they are in equall height and depth.

But both by Scriptures, the experience of Navigators, and reason in making estimation of the depth of the Sea, reckon not onely the height of the hils above the common superficies of the earth, but the height of all the dry land above the superficies of the Sea, because the whole masse ∥ of earth that now appeareth above the waters, being taken as it were out of the places which the waters now possesse, must be equall to the place out of which it was taken; so consequently it seemeth, that the height or elevation of the one should answer the descending or depth of the other; and therefore in estimating the depth of the Sea, wee consider not onely the erection of the hils above the ordinary land, but the advantage of the dry land above the Sea; which latter, I meane the height of the ordinary maine land, excluding the hils, which properly answer the extraordinary deepes and whirle-pooles in the Sea. The rest is held more in large Continents above the Sea, than that of the hils is above the land.

For that the plain face of the dry land is not level, or equally distant from the Center, but hatha great descent towards the Sea, and a rising towards the mid-land parts, although it appeare not plainly to the eye, yet to reason it is most manifest; because we find that part of the earth the Sea covereth descendeth lower and lower towards the Sea. For the Sea, which touching the upper face of it, is knowne by nature to be levell and evenly distant from the center, is observed to wax deeper and deeper the further one saileth from the shore towards the maine Ocean: even so in that part which is uncovered, the streamings of Rivers on all sides from the midland parts towards the Sea, sliding from the higher to the lower declareth so much, whose courses are some 1000. or 2000. miles, in which declination, Pliny in his derivation of water requireth one cubit of declining in 240. foot of proceeding. But Columella, Vitruvius, Paladius, and others, in their conduction of waters require somewhat lesse; namely, that in the proceeding of 200. foot forward, there should bee allowed one foot of descending downeward, which yet in the course of 1000. miles, as Danubius, Volgha, or Indus, etc. have so much or more, which will make five miles of descent in perpendicular account, and in the course of 2000. or more, as Nilus, Niger, and the River of the Amazons have 10. miles or more of the like descent. That there is small difference betwixt the springs first rising out of the earth, and their falling into the Sea.

These are not taken as rules of necessity, as though water could not runne without that advantage, for that respect the conveyers of waters in these times content themselves with one inch in 600. foot, as Philander and Vitruvius observed, but is rather under a rule of commodity for expedition and wholsomnesse of water so conveyed, lest resting too long in pipes it should contract some unwholsome condition, or else through the slacknesse of motion, or long closenesse, or banishment from the aire, gather some aptnesse and disposition to putrifie. Although I say, such excesse of advantage as in the artificiall conveyance of waters the forenamed Authors require, be not of necessity exacted in the naturall derivation of them, yet certaine it is, that the descent of rivers being continually and their course long, and in many places swift, and in some places headlong and furious; the differences of height or advantage cannot be great betwixt the springs of the rivers and their out lets, betwixt the first rising out of the earth and their falling into the Sea: unto which declinity of land seeing the deepenesse of the Sea in proportion answer as I before declared, and not onely to the height of the hils: it is concluded, that the deepenesse to bee much more than the Philosophers commonly reputed: and although the deepnesse of the Sardinian Sea, which Aristotle saith, was the deepest of the Mediterranean, recorded by Posidonius in Strabo, to have beene found but 1000. fadome, which is but a mile and a fifth part, and the greatest bredth not past 600. miles: then seeing if in so narrow a Sea it be so deepe, what may we esteeme the maine Ocean to be, that in many places is five times so broad, seeing the broader the Seas are, if they be intire and free from Ilands, they are answerably observed to be the deeper. If you desire any further satisfaction, reade the first part of Purchas his Pilgrimage, where you may reade how to find all those Authors at large.2 Now because he hathtaken neere 100. times as much from me, I have made bold to borrow this from him, seeing he hath sounded such deepe waters for this our Ship ∥ to saile in, being a Gentleman whose person I loved, and whose memory and vertues I will ever honour. The determination of these questions. Note the difference betwixt the springs of the rivers and their falling into the Sea is not great.

ASHIP that will try, hull, and ride well at Anchor, we call a wholsome Ship. A long Ship that drawes much water will doe all this, but if she draw much water and be short, she may hull well, but neither try nor ride well; if she draw little water and be long, she may try and ride well, but never hull well, which is called an unwholsome ship. The howsing in of a Ship is when shee is past the bredth of her bearing she is brought in narrow to her upper workes: it is certaine this makes her wholsome in the Sea without rowling, because the weight of her Ordnance doth counterpoise her bredth under water, but it is not so good in a man of warre, because it taketh away a great deale of her roome, nor will her tacks ever so well come aboord as if she were laid out aloft and not flaring, which is when she is a little howsing in, neere the water, and then the upper worke doth hang over againe, and is laid out broder aloft, this makes a Ship more roomy aloft for men to use their armes in, but Sir Walter Rawleighs proportion,3 which is to be proportionally wrought to her other worke is the best, because the counterpoise on each side doth make her swimme perpendicular or straight, and consequently steady, which is the best. A wholsome ship. An unwholsome Ship. Howsing a Ship. Flaring.

If a ship be narrow, and her bearing either not laid out ∥ enough or too low, then you must make her broader and her bearing the higher by ripping off the plankes two or three strakes under water and as much above, and put other Timbers upon the first, and then put on the plankes upon those Timbers, this will make her beare a better saile, but it is a hindrance to her sailing, this is to be done when a Ship is cranke-sided4 and will beare no saile, and is called Furring. Note also, that when a Ship hatha deepe Keele it doth keepe her from rowling. If she be floty and her keele shallow, put on another keele under the first to make it deeper, for it will make her hold more in the water, this wee call a false Keele. Likewise if her stem be too flat to make her cut water the better, and not gripe, which is when shee will not keepe a winde well; fix another stem before it, and that is called a false stem, which will make her ride more way and beare a better saile. Also the Run of a ship is as much to be regarded, for if it be too short and too full below, the water comes but slowly to the Rudder because the force of it is broken by her bredth, and then to put a false stem post to lengthen her is the next remedy, but to lengthen her is better; for when a Ship comes off handsomly by degrees, and her Tuck5 doth not lye too low, which will hinder the water from comming swiftly to the Rudder, makes her she cannot steare well, and they are called as they are, a good runne or a bad. When a Ship hathlost a peece of her Keele, and that we cannot come well to mend it, you must patch a new peece unto it, and bind it with a stirrop, which is an iron comes round about it and the Keele up to the other side of the Ship, whereto it is strongly nailed with Spikes. Her Rake also may be a defect, which is so much of the Hull, as by a perpendicular line the end of the Keele is from the setting on of the stem, so much as is without that forward on, and in like manner the setting in of her stern Post. Your French men gives great Rakes forwards on, which makes her give good way and keepe a good wind, but if she have not a full bow she will pitch her head extremely in the Sea. If shee have but a small Rake, 6∥ she is so bluffe that the Seas meets her so suddenly upon the Bowes shee cannot cut the water much, but the longer a ship is, the fuller should be her Bow, but the meane is the best. The looming of a ship is her prospective, that is, as she doth shew great or little: Her water draught is so many foot as she goes in the water, but the Ships that drawes most water are commonly the most wholsome, but the least draught goes best but rolls most, and we say a Ship doth heeld on Starboord or Larboord, that is, to that side shee doth leane most. Cranke side. Furring. A false Keele. Gripe. A false stem. The runne. A good runne. A bad runne. A Stirrup. Her Rake. Loome. Heeld.

To overset or overthrow a ship, is by bearing too much saile you bring her Keele upwards, or on shore overthrow her by grounding her, so that she falls upon one side; and we say a Ship is walt7 when shee is not stiffe, and hathnot Ballast enough in her to keepe her stiffe. And wall reared when she is right built up, after shee comes to her bearing it makes her ill shapen and unseemely, but it gives her within much roome, and she is very wholsome, if her bearing be well laid out. The Masting of a Ship is much to be considered, and will much cause her to saile well or ill, as I have related in the masting a Ship. Iron sicke, is when the Bolts, Spikes, or Nailes are so eaten with rust they stand hollow in the plankes, and so makes her leake, the which to prevent, they use to put lead over all the bolt heads under water. Lastly, the trimming of a ship doth much amend or impaire her sailing, and so alter her condition. To finde her trim, that is, how she will saile best; is by trying her sailing with another Ship so many glasses, trimmed a head and so many a sterne, and so many upon an even Keele; also the easing of her Masts and Shrouds, for some ships will saile much better when they are slacke than when they are taught. Overset. Overthrow. Walt. Wall reared. Iron sicke. Trim.

IN Land service we call a man of warre a Souldier either on foot or horse, and at Sea a Ship, which if she be not as well built, conditioned, and provided, as neere fitting such an imploiment as may be, she may prove (either) as a horseman that knoweth not how to hold his raines, keepe his seat in his saddle and stirrops, carry his body, nor how to helpe his horse with leg and spur in a curvet, gallop, or stop; or as an excellent horseman that knoweth all this, mounted upon a Jade that will doe nothing, which were he mounted according to his experience, hee would doe more with that one, than halfe a dozen of the other though as well provided as himselfe. But I confesse, every horseman cannot mount himself alike, neither every Seaman ship himselfe as he would, I meane not for outward ornament, which the better they are, the lesse to be disliked; for there cannot be a braver sight than a ship in her bravery, but of a competent sufficiency as the businesse requireth. But were I to chuse a ship for my self, I would have her saile well, yet strongly built, her decks flush and flat, and so roomy that men might passe with ease; her Bow and chase9 so Gally-like contrived, should beare as many Ordnances as with conveniency she could, for that alwaies commeth most to fight, ∥ and so stiffe, she should beare a stiffe saile and beare out her lower tier in any reasonable weather, neither should her Gunroome be unprovided: not manned like a Merchantman, which if they be double manned, that is, to have twise so many men as would saile her, they think it is too many in regard of the charge, yet to speake true, there is few Merchant Ships in the world doth any way exceed ours. And those men they entertaine in good voiages have such good pay, and such acquaintance one with another in shipping themselves, that thirty or forty of them would trouble a man of warre with three or foure times their number manned with prest men, being halfe of them scarce hale Boulings. Yea, and many times a Pirat who are commonly the best manned, but they fight only for wealth, not for honour nor revenge, except they bee extremely constrained. But such a Ship as I have spoken of well manned with rather too many than too few, with all sufficient Officers; Shot, Powder, Victuall, and all their appurtenances, in my opinion might well passe muster for a man of warre. How to chuse a Ship fit to make a man of warre.

Now being at Sea, the tops are seldome without one or other to looke out for purchase,1 because hee that first discries a saile, if she prove prize, is to have a good sute of Aparell, or so much money as is set downe by order for his reward, as also he that doth first enter a Ship there is a certaine reward allowed him; when wee see a Ship alter her course, and useth all the meanes she can to fetch you up, you are the chase, and hee the chaser. In giving chase or chasing, or to escape being chased, there is required an infinite judgement and experience, for there is no rule for it; but the shortest way to fetch up your chase is the best. If you bee too lee-ward, get all your Tacks aboord, and shape your course as he doth to meet him at the neerest angle you can, then he must either alter his course and Tacke as you Tacke as neere the wind as he can lye to keepe his owne till night, and then strike a Hull that you may not descry him by his sailes, or doe his best to lose you in the darke; for looke how much he falls to lee-ward, hee falls so much in ∥ your way. If he be right ahead of you, that is called a sterne chase, if you weather him, for every man in chasing doth seeke to get the weather, because you cannot boord him except you weather him, he will laske, or goe large, if you gather on him that way, hee will trie you before the wind, then if your ordnance cannot reach him, if he can out-strip you he is gone: But suppose you are to wind-ward, if hee clap close by a wind, and there goes a head sea, and yours a lee-ward ship, if you doe the like your ship will so bear against the Sea, she will make no way; therefore you must goe a little more large though you chase under his lee till you can run ahead. His reward that first discries a Ship, or enters a prize. How to give chase, and escape the chaser.

Boord and Boord is when two ships lie together side by side, but hee that knoweth how to defend himselfe, and worke well, will so cun his ship, as force you to enter upon his quarter, which is the highest part of the ship, and but the mizen shrouds to enter by; from whence he may do you much hurt with little danger, except you fire him, which a Pirat will never doe, neither sinke you if he can chuse, except you be able to force him to defend himselfe. But in a Sea fight wee call Boording, in Boording where wee can, the greatest advantage for your Ordnance is to boord him thwart the hawse, because you may use all the ordnance you have on one side, and she onely them in her prow; but the best and safest boording for entring is on the bow, but you must be carefull to cleare the decks with burning granados, fire-pots, poutches of powder, to which give fire by a Gunpowder match, to prevent traines to the powder chest, which are long boards joyned like a triangle with divers broad ledges on either side, wherein lieth as many peeble stones or beatch2 as can there lie, those being fired will make all cleare before them. Besides in an extremity a man would rather blow up the quarter decke, halfe decke, fore castle, or any thing, than bee taken by him he knowes a mortall enemy, and commonly there is more men lost in entering, if the chase stand to her defence, in an instant, than in a long fight boord and boord, if she be provided of her ∥ close fights: I confesse, the charging upon trenches, and the entrances of a breach in a rampire are attempts as desperate as a man would thinke could be performed, but he that hathtried himselfe as oft in the entring a resisting ship as I have done both them and the other, he would surely confesse there is no such dangerous service ashore, as a resolved resolute fight at sea. A ships close fights, are smal ledges of wood laid crosse one another like the grates of iron in a prisons window, betwixt the maine mast, and the fore mast, and are called gratings, or nettings as is said, which are made of small ropes, much in like manner covered with a saile, the which to undoe is to heave a kedger, or fix a grapling into them, tied in a rope, but a chaine of iron is better, and shearing off will teare it in peeces if the rope and anchor hold, some have used sheare hookes, which are hookes like sickels fixed in the ends of the yards armes, that if a ship under saile come to boord her, those sheares will cut her shrouds, and spoile her tackling, but they are so subject to breake their owne yards, and cut all the ropes comes from the top-sailes, they are out of request. To conclude, if a ship bee open, presently to boord her is the best way to take her. But if you see your chase strip himselfe into fighting sailes, that is to put out his colours in the poope, his flag in the maine top, his streamers or pendants at the ends of his yards armes, furle his spret-saile, pike his mizen, and sling his maine yard, provide your selfe to fight. Now because I would not bee tedious in describing a fight at Sea, I have troubled you with this short preamble that you may the plainlier understand it. Boord and boord. Boording and entering a ship. Powder chests. Evident signes that a chase will fight.

FOR this master peece3 of this worke, I confesse I might doe better to leave it to every particular mans conceit as it is, or those of longer practice or more experience, yet because I have seene many bookes of the Art of Warre by land, and never any for the Sea, seeing all men so silent in this most difficult service, and there are so many young Captaines, and others that desire to be Captains, who know very little, or nothing at all to any purpose, for their better understanding I have proceeded thus farre; now for this that followes, what I have seene, done, and conceived by my small experience, I referre me to their friendly constructions, and well advised considerations. Many bookes of the Art of War for the land, none for the sea.

A saile, how beares she or stands shee, to wind-ward or lee-ward, set him by the Compasse; he stands right ahead, or on the weather-Bow, or lee-Bow, let flie your colours if you have a consort, else not. Out with all your sailes, a steady man to the helme, sit close to keepe her steady, give him chase or fetch him up; hee holds his owne, no, we gather on him. Captaine, out goes his flag and pendants, also his waste clothes and top armings, which is a long red cloth about three quarters of a yard broad, edged on each side with Calico or white linnen cloth, that goeth round about the ship on the out sides of all her upper workes fore and aft, and before the cubbridge heads, also about the fore and ∥ maine tops, as well for the countenance and grace of the ship, as to cover the men for being seene, hee furles and slings his maine yard, in goes his spret-saile. Thus they use to strip themselves into their short sailes, or fighting sailes, which is onely the fore saile, the maine and fore top sailes, because the rest should not be fired nor spoiled; besides they would be troublesome to handle, hinder our sights and the using our armes; he makes ready his close fights fore and aft. To give chase. Wast clothes. Top armings. Fighting sailes. To hale a ship.

Master how stands the chase? Right on head I say; Well we shall reatch him by and by; What's all ready, Yea, yea, every man to his charge, dowse your top-saile to salute him for the Sea, hale him with a noise of trumpets; Whence is your ship? Of Spaine; Whence is yours? Of England; Are you a Merchant, or a man of War? We are of the Sea; He waves us to lee-ward with his drawne sword, cals amaine for the King of Spaine, and springs his loufe, give him a chase peece with your broad side, and run a good berth ahead of him; Done, done, We have the wind of him, and he tackes about, tacke you about also and keepe your loufe, be yare at the helme, edge in with him, give him a volley of small shot, also your prow and broad side as before, and keepe your loufe; Hee payes us shot for shot; Well, wee shall requite him; What are you ready againe, Yea, yea. Try him once more as before, Done, done; Keepe your loufe and lode your ordnance againe; Is all ready? Yea, yea; edge in with him againe, begin with your bow peeces, proceed with your broad side, and let her fall off with the wind, to give her also your full chase, your weather broad side, and bring her round that the sterne may also discharge, and your tackes close aboord againe; Done, done, the wind veeres, the Sea goes too high to boord her, and wee are shot thorowand thorow, and betweene wind and water. Try the pump, beare up the helme, Master let us breathe and refresh a little, and sling a man over boord to stop the leakes; that is, to trusse him up about the middle in a peece of canvas, and a rope to keepe him from sinking, and his armes at liberty, with a malet in the one hand, and a plug lapped in Okum, and ∥ well tarred in a tarpawling clout in the other, which he will quickly beat into the hole or holes the bullets made; What cheere mates, is all well? All well, all well, all well; Then make ready to beare up with him againe, and with all your great and small shot charge him, and in the smoke boord him thwart the hawse, on the bow, mid ships, or rather then saile, on his quarter, or make fast your graplings if you can to his close fights and sheare off. Captaine we are fowle on each other, and the ship is on fire, cut any thing to get cleare, and smother the fire with wet cloathes. In such a case they will presently be such friends, as to help one the other all they can to get cleare, lest they both should burne together and sinke; and if they be generous, the fire quenched, drinke kindely one to another; heave their cans over boord, and then begin againe as before. How to begin a fight. How to sling a man over boord. A consultation and direction in a sea fight, and how they bury their dead.

Well Master, the day is spent, the night drawes on, let us consult. Chirurgion looke to the wounded, and winde up the slaine, with each a weight or bullet at their heads and feet to make them sinke, and give them three gunnes for their funerals, Swabber make cleane the ship, Purser record their Names, Watch be vigilant to keepe your berth to wind ward that we lose him not in the night, Gunners spunge your Ordnance, Souldiers scowre your peeces, Carpenters about your leakes, Boatswaine and the rest repaire the sailes and shrouds, and Cooke see you observe your directions against the morning watch, Boy, Holla Master Holla, is the kettle boiled, yea, yea, Boatswaine call up the men to prayer and breake fast.

Boy fetch my cellar of bottels, a health to you all fore and aft, courage my hearts for a fresh charge, Gunners beat open the ports, and out with your lower tire,4 and bring me from the weather side to the lee, so many peeces as we have ports to beare upon him, Master lay him aboord loufe for loufe, mid ships men see the tops and yards well manned, with stones, fire pots, and brasse bailes,5 to throw amongst them before we enter, or if we be put off, charge them with all your great and small shot, in the smoke let us enter ∥ them in the shrouds, and every squadron at his best advantage, so sound Drums and Trumpets, and Saint George for England. A preparation for a fresh charge.

They hang out a flag of truce, hale him a maine, a base, or take in his flag, strike their sailes and come aboord with their Captaine, Purser and Gunner, with their commission, cocket,6 or bils of loading. Out goes the boat, they are lanched from the ship side, entertaine them with a generall cry, God save the Captaine and all the company with the Trumpets sounding, examine them in particular, and then conclude your conditions, with feasting, freedome, or punishment, as you finde occasion; but alwayes have as much care to their wounded as your owne, and if there be either young women or aged men, use them nobly, which is ever the nature of a generous disposition. To conclude, if you surprize him, or enter perforce, you may stow the men, rifle, pillage, or sacke, and cry a prise. How a prise doth yeeld, and how to entertaine him Seaman like.

To call a Councell of Warre in a Fleet; There is your Councell of Warre to manage all businesses of import, and the common Councell for matters of small moment, when they would have a meeting, where the Admirall doth appoint it; if in the Admirall, they hang out a flag in the maine shrouds; if in the Vice Admirall, in the fore shrouds; if in the Reare Admirall, in the mizen; If there bee many squadrons, the Admirall of each squadron upon sundry occasions doth carry in their maine tops, flags of sundry colours, or else they are distinguished by severall pendants from the yards armes; every night or morning they are to come under the Lee of the Admirall to salute him and know his pleasure, but no Admirall of any squadron is to beare his flag in the maine top, in the presence of the Admirall generall, except the Admirall come aboord of him to Councell, to dinner, or collation, and so any ship else where he so resideth during that time, is to weare his flag in the maine top. They use to martiall or order those squadrons in rankes like Manaples, which is foure square, if the wind and Sea permits, a good berth or distance from ∥ each other, that they becalme not one another, nor come not fowle of each other; the Generall commonly in the middest, his Vice Admirall in the front, and his Reare Admirall in the Reare; or otherwise like a halfe Moone, which is two squadrons like two triangles for the two hornes, and so the rest of the squadrons behinde each other a good distance, and the Generall in the middest of the halfe circle, from whence he seeth all his fleet, and sendeth his directions, as he findes occasion to whom he pleaseth. How to call a Counsell of War, and order a Navy at Sea.

Now betweene two Navies they use often, especially in a harbour or road where they are at anchor, to fill old Barkes with pitch, tar, traine oile, lincet7 oile, brimstone, rosen, reeds, with dry wood, and such combustible things, sometimes they linke three or foure together in the night, and puts them adrift as they finde occasion. To passe a fort some will make both ship and sailes all black, but if the fort keepe but a fire on the other side, and all the peeces point blanke with the fire, if they discharge what is betwixt them and the fire, the shot will hit if the rule bee truly observed; for when a ship is betwixt the fire and you, shee doth keepe you from seeing it till shee bee past it. To conclude, there is as many stratagems, advantages, and inventions to be used as you finde occasions, and therefore experience must be the best Tutor. Stratagems for Sea-men.

A CANON royal, or double Canon, a Canon, a Canon Serpentine, a bastard Canon, a demy Canon, a Canon Petro, a Culvering, a Basilisco, a demy culvering, a bastard Culvering, a Sacar, a Minion, a Falcon, a Falconet, a Serpentine, a Rabbinet. To all those doe belong carriages whereon peeces doe lie supported by an axeltree betwixt two wheeles, whereon doth lie the peece upon her trunnions, which are two knobs cast with the peece on each of her sides, which doth lie in two halfe holes upon the two cheekes of the carriages, to raise her up or downe as you will, over them are the capsquares, which are two broad peeces of iron doth cover them, made fast by a pin with a fore locke to keepe the peece from falling out. That the peece and carriages is drawne along upon wheeles every one doth know, if shee bee for land service, they have wheeles made with spokes like coach wheeles, and according to their proportion strongly shod with iron, and ∥ the pins at the ends of the Axeltree is called Linch pins. The Names of great Ordnance. Carriages. Trunmons. Capsquares. Wheeles.

If for Sea she have Trucks, which are round intier1 peeces of wood like wheeles. To mount a peece is to lay her upon her carriages; to dismount her to take her downe. Her Bed is a planke doth lie next the peece, or the peece upon it upon the carriage, and betwixt the Peece and it they put their quoines, which are great wedges of wood with a little handle at the end to put them forward or backward for levelling the Peece as you please. To travas a Peece is to turne her which way you will upon her Platforme. To dispert a Peece is to finde a difference betwixt the thicknesse of the metall at her mouth and britch or carnouse,2 which is the greatest circle about her britch, and her mussell Ring is the greatest circle about her mouth thereby to make a just shot, there are divers waies to dispert her, but the most easiest is as good as the best: and that is but by putting a little sticke or a straw that is strait into the toutch hole to the lower part of the Sillinder or Concave, which is the bore of the Peece and cut it off close by the metall, and then apply it in the same manner to the mouth, and it will exactly shew you the difference, which being set upon the mussell of the Peece with a little Clay, Pitch, or Wax, it will bee as the pin of any Peece is to the sight, levell to the carnouse or britch of the Peece, otherwaies you may give her allowance according to your judgement. Trucks. To mount a Peece. To dismount a Peece. Beds. Quoines. Travas. Dispert. Britch. Carnouse. Musell. Sillender. Concave. Bore. How to dispert a Peece.

Taper boared, is when a Peece is wider at the mouth then towards the britch, which is dangerous (if the Bullet goe not home) to burst her. Honicombed, is when shee is ill cast or overmuch worne shee will bee rugged within, which is dangerous for a crosse barre shot to catch hold by, or any ragge of her wadding being a fire and sticking there may fire the next charge you put in her; and you may finde if she be Taper boared,3 either with a crooked wyer at the end of a long staffe, by scratching up and downe to see where you can catch any hold, or a light4 candle at the end of a staffe thrust up and down to see if you can see any fault. Britchings are the ropes by which you lash your Ordnance ∥ fast to the Ships side in foule weather. Chambers is a charge made of brasse or iron which we use to put in at the britch of a sling or murtherer, containing just so much powder as will drive away the case of stones or shot, or any thing in her. In a great Peece we call that her Chamber so far as the powder doth reach when she is laded. Taper boared. Hony-combe. How to finde it. Britchings. Chambers.

A Cartrage is a bagge of Canvasse made upon a frame or a round peece of wood somewhat lesse than the bore of the Peece, they make them also of paper, they have also Cartrages or rather cases for Cartrages made of Lattin to keepe the Cartrages in, which is to have no more powder in them than just the charge of your Peece, and they are closely covered in those cases of Latten, to keepe them dry, and from any mischances by fire, and are farre more ready and safer than your Ladles or Budgbarrels.5 A Budgbarrell is a little Barrell made of Latten, filled with powder to carry from place to place for feare of fire; in the cover it hatha long necke to fill the Ladles withall without opening. A Ladle is a long staffe with a peece of thin Copper at the end like halfe a Cartrage, in bredth and length so much as will hold no more powder than the due charge for the Peece it belongs to. A Spunge is such another staffe, with a peece of a Lambe skin at the end about it to thrust up and downe the Peece, to take off the dust, moisture, or sparkes of fire if any remaine in her. And a Rammer is a bob of wood at the other end to ramme home the Powder and the Waddings. Waddings is Okum, old clouts, or straw, put after the powder and the Bullet. A Case is made of two peeces of hollow wood joyned together like two halfe Cartrages fit to put into the bore of a Peece, and a case shot is any kinde of small Bullets, Nailes, old iron, or the like to put into the case to shoot out of the Ordnances or Murderers, these will doe much mischiefe when wee lie boord and boord: but for Spunges and Rammers they use now a stiffe Rope a little more than the length of the Peece, which you may turne and wind within boord as you will, with much more ease and safety than the other. Cartrages. Cases. A Budgbarell. A Ladle. A Spunge. A Rammer. Waddings. Wood cases. Case shot.

Round Shot is a round Bullet for any Peece: Crosbar-shot is also a round shot, but it hatha long spike of Iron cast with it as if it did goe thorowthe middest of it, the ends whereof are commonly armed for feare of bursting the Peece, which is to binde a little Okum in a little Canvasse at the end of each Pike.6 Trundle shot is onely a bolt of iron sixteene or eighteene inches in length; at both ends sharpe pointed, and about a handfull from each end a round broad bowle of lead according to the bore of the Peece cast upon it. Langrell7 shot runnes loose with a shackell, to be shortened when you put it into the Peece, and when it flies out it doth spred it selfe, it hathat the end of either barre a halfe Bullet either of lead or iron. Chaine shot is two bullets with a chaine betwixt them, and some are contrived round as in a ball, yet will spred in flying their full length in bredth; all these are used when you are neere a ship to shoot downe Masts, Yards, Shrouds, teare the sailes, spoile the men, or any thing that is above the decks. Fireworkes are divers, and of many compositions, as Arrowes trimmed with wild fire to sticke in the sailes or ships side shot burning.8 Pikes of wild fire to strike burning into a ship side to fire her. There is also divers sorts of Granados, some to breake and fly in abundance of peeces every way, as will your brasse balls and earthen pots which when they are covered with quartered bullets stucke in pitch, and the pots filled with good powder, in a crowd of people will make an incredible slaughter; some will burne under water, and never extinguish till the stuffe bee consumed; some onely will burne and fume out a most stinking poison smoke; some, being but onely an Oile, being nointed9 on any thing made of dry wood, will take fire by the heat of the Sunne when the Sunne shines hot. There is also a Powder, which being laid in like manner upon any thing subject to burne, will take fire if either any raine or water light upon it; but those inventions are bad on shore, but much worse at Sea, and are naught1 because so dangerous, and not easie to bee quenched, and their practise worse, because they may doe ∥ as much mischiefe to a friend as to an enemy, therefore I will leave them as they are. Round shot. Crosse bar shot. To Arme a shot. Trundle shot. Langrill shot. Chaine shot. Fire workes. Arrowes of wild fire. Pikes of wild fire. Granados of divers sorts. Brasse Balles.

There are also divers sorts of Powder, the Serpentine is like dust and weake, and will not keepe at Sea but be moist. The common sort is great corned powder but grosse, and onely used in great Ordnance. Your fine corned Powder for hand Guns is in goodnesse as your Salt-Peter is oft refined, and from ten pence a pound to eighteene pence a pound. Powder. Serpentine powder. Grosse corned Powder. Fine corned Powder. A Tomkin. A Fid.

A Tomkin2 is a round peece of wood put into the Peeces mouth and covered with Tallow, and a fid a little Okum made like a naile put in at the toutch hole, and covered with a thin lead bound above it to keepe the Powder dry in the Peece. Shackels are a kinde of Rings but not round, made like them at the hatches corners (by which we take them up and lay them downe) but bigger, fixed to the middest of the ports within boord, through which wee put a billet to keepe fast the port for flying open in foule weather, which may easily indanger, if not sinke the Ship. To cloy or poison a Peece, is to drive a naile into her toutch hole, then you cannot give fire. And to uncloy her, is to put as much oile as you can about the naile to make it glib,3 and by a traine give fire to her by her mouth, and so blow it out. Shackels. To cloy a Peece or poyson her. To uncloy. Compasse Callipers.

Compasse Callipers belongs to the Gunner, and is like two halfe Circles that hatha handle and joint like a paire of Compasses, but they are blunt at the points to open as you please for to dispert a Peece. A Horne is his touch box, his Primer is a small long peece of iron, sharpe at the small end to pierce the Cartrage thorowthe toutch hole. His Lint stock is a handsome carved stick, more than halfe a yard long, with a Cocke at the one end to hold fast his Match, and a sharpe pike in the other to sticke it fast upon the Deck or platforme upright. The Gunners quadrant is to levell a Peece or mount her to any random.4 A darke Lanthorne is as well to be used by any body as he. For Morters, or such chambers as are only used for triumphs, there is no use for them in this service; but for Curriours,5 Hargabusacrocks,6 ∥ Muskets, Bastard-muskets, Colivers, Crabuts,7 Carbins, long Pistols or short Pistols, there belongs to them Bandiliers, bullet Bags, Wormes, Scowrers, melting Ladles, Lead, Molds of al sorts to cast their shot. Quarter Bullets is but any bullet quartered in foure or eight parts, and all those are as usefull a ship-boord as on shore. For the soule, trunke, bore, fortification, the diversity of their metals, and divers other curious Theoremes or tearmes used about great Ordnance, there are so many uncertainties as well in her mounting, levelling upon her platforme, as also the accidents that may happen in the powder, the ground, the aire, and differences in proportion. I will not undertake to prescribe any certaine artificiall rule. These proportions following are neere the matter, but for your better satisfaction reade Master Digs Pantometria,8 Master Smith, or Master Burnes art of Gunnery, or Master Robert Nortons Exposition upon Master Digs Stratiaticos, any of those will shew the Theoricke at large. But to bee a good Gunner you must learne it by practise. Horne. Priming Iron. Lint stocke. Gunners quadrant. Darke Lanthorn. Morters. The names of small Peeces, and their implements. Bandiliers. Bullet bags. Wormes. Scowrers. Melting Ladles. Lead Molds. Quartered shot.

Note that seldome in Ships they use any Ordnance greater than Demy Canons, nor have they any certainty either at point blanke or any random.

Note your Serpentine powder in old time was in meale, but now corned and made stronger, and called Canon corne powder.

But that for small Ordnance is called corne Powder fine, and ought to have in strength a quarter more, because those small Peeces are better fortified than the greater.

Now if you have but one sort of Powder for all, abate ¼ part, and cut off ¼ of the bredth and length of your Ladle.

But Cartrages are now found the best and most readiest.

Provided alwaies, that all Shot must be a quarter lesse than the height of the Peece.

THE ship hathone third part, the victuallar the other third, the other third part is for the Company, and this is subdivided thus in shares. Shares.

4In English ships they seldome use any Marshall,5 whose shares amongst the French is equall with the Boatswaines, all the rest of the Younkers, or fore-mast men according to their deserts, some 3. some 2. and ½. some 1. and ½. and the boyes 1. which is a single share, or 1. and ½. or as they doe deserve.

Now the Master, or his right hand Mate, the Gunner, Boatswaine, and foure quarter Masters doe make the shares, not the Captaine, who hathonely this privilege, to take away halfe a share, or a whole share at most, to give from one to another as he best pleaseth.

For to learne to observe the Altitude, Latitude, Longitude, Amplitude,6 the variation of the Compasse, the Suns Azimuth and Almicanter, to shift the Sunne and Moone, and know the tides, your Roomes, pricke your Card, say your Compasse, and get some of these bookes, but practice is the best.

• Master Wrights errours of Navigation.7
• Master Tapps Sea-mans Kalender.
• The Art of Navigation.
• The Sea Regiment.
• The Sea-mans secret.
• Waggoner.
• Master Gunters workes.
• The Sea-mans glasse for the Scale.
• The New Attracter for variation.
• Master Wright for use of the Globe.
• Master Hewes for the same.

Compasses so many paire and sorts as you will, an Astrolobe Quadrant, a Crosse staffe, a Backe staffe, an Astrolobe, a Nocturnall.

Young Gentlemen that desires command at Sea, ought well to consider the condition of his ship, victuall, and company, for if there be more learners than sailers how slightly soever many esteeme sailers, all the worke to save, ship, goods, and lives must lie upon them, especially in fowle weather, then their labour, hazzard, wet, and cold, is so incredible I cannot expresse it. It is not then the number of them that here can say at home what I cannot doe I can quickly learne, and what a great matter is it to saile a ship, or goe to Sea; surely those for a good time will doe more trouble than good, I confesse it is most necessary such should goe, but not too many in one ship; for if the labour of threescore should lie upon thirty, (as many times it doth) they are so over-charged with labour, bruises, and overstraining themselves they fall sick of one disease or other, for there is no dallying nor excuses with stormes, gusts, overgrowne Seas, and lee-shores, and when their victuall is putrified it endangers all: Men of all other professions in lightning, thunder, stormes, and tempests with raine and snow may shelter themselves in dry houses by good fires, but those are the chiefe times Sea-men must stand to their tackling, and attend with all diligence their greatest labour upon the deckes. Many suppose any thing is good enough to serve men at sea, and yet nothing sufficient for them ashore, either for their healthes, for their ease, or estates, or state; A Commander at Sea should doe well to thinke the contrary, and provide for himselfe and company in like manner; also seriously to consider what will bee his charge to furnish himselfe at Sea with bedding, linnen, armes, and apparrell, how to keepe his table aboord, and his expences on shore, and provide his petty Tally, which is a competent proportion according to your number of these particulars following. Advertisements for young Commanders, Captaines, and other Officers.

Fine wheat flower close and well packed, Rice, Currands, Sugar, Prunes, Cynamon, Ginger, Pepper, Cloves, greene Ginger, Oyle, Butter, Holland cheese, or 9∥ old Cheese, Wine vineger, Canarie sacke, Aqua vitæ, the best Wines, the best waters, the juyce of Limons for the scurvy, white Bisket, Oatmeale, gammons of Bacon, dried Neats tongues, Beefe packed up in vineger, Legs of Mutton minced and stewed, and close packed up, with tried sewet or butter in earthen pots. To entertaine strangers Marmalad, Suckets, Almonds, Comfits and such like. The petty Tally.

Some it may be will say I would have men rather to feast than fight; But I say the want of those necessaries occasions the losse of more men than in any English fleet hathbeene slaine since 88. For when a man is ill, or at the point of death, I would know whether a dish of buttered Rice with a little Cynamon, Ginger, and Sugar, a little minced meat, or rost Beefe, a few stewed Prunes, a race of greene Ginger, a Flap-jacke, a can of fresh Water brewed with a little Cinamon, Ginger, and Sugar bee not better than a little poore John, or salt fish with oile and mustard, or bisket, butter, cheese, or oatmeale pottage on fish dayes, or on flesh dayes salt Beefe, Porke, and Pease with six shillings beere, this is your ordinary ships allowance, and good for them are well if well conditioned, which is not alwayes as Sea-men can (too well) witnesse. And after a storme, when poore men are all wet, and some have not so much as a cloth to shift him, shaking with cold, few of those but wil tell you a little Sacke or Aqua vitæ is much better to keepe them in health, than a little small beere, or cold water although it be sweet. Now that every one should provide those things for himselfe, few of them have either that providence or meanes, and there is neither Ale-house, Taverne, nor Inne to burne a faggot in, neither Grocer, Poulterer, Apothecary, nor Butchers shop, and therefore the use of this petty Tally is necessary, and thus to be imploied as there is occasion. To entertaine strangers as they are in quality every Commander should shew himselfe as like himselfe as he can, as well for the credit of the ship, and his setters forth, 1∥ as himselfe; but in that herein every one may moderate themselves according to their owne pleasures, therefore leave it to their owne discretions, and this briefe discourse, and my selfe to their friendly construction and good opinion. The use of the petty Tally.

FINIS.

1. "Bilge," bottom of a ship's hull.

2. The word "stockes" curiously is omitted by Sir Henry Mainwaring in "The Seaman's Dictionary," in G. E. Manwaring and W. G. Perrin, eds., The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring (Navy Records Society, LIV, LVI [London, 1920, 1922]), II, hereafter cited as Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary."

3. By the time William Falconer wrote An Universal Dictionary of the Marine, 2d ed. (London, 1771), the crab was obsolete except on a few merchant ships, being "a sort of wooden pillar, whose lower end, restd upon a sockey like the capstern; and having in it's upper end three or four holes, at different heights, through the middle of it, above one another, into which long bars are thrust" (sigs. L2r, M4v). He explains that a capstan has a drum head into which numerous bars are inserted in relatively shallow holes, whereas the long bars of the crab impeded its users and so it was less efficient. The "clawes" are not defined, but in an illustration it appears that they might have been the three curved supports for the crab's pillar, whose base was two boards at right angles to each other. In the case of the crab described here for use on land, the base was evidently secured in some way to the ground.

4. "Compassing" here means "in a curve."

5. "Futtocks"; curved framing timbers. See Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 153–154, 216, for full descriptions of the futtocks, the rung heads, and so on.

6. "Hold"; this was also spelled "holl," "hole." The orlop is explained on p. 5, below.

7. Stringers.

8. On a ship, a seam is the interstice between the planks.

9. Smith apparently meant something like "trennels," i.e., a phonetic spelling of the way "treenails" was pronounced. Treenails are pins of oak used to hold a ship's planking together. Trunnions, the metal projections from the side of the bore of a cannon used to support it on its carriage, are an entirely different kind of thing, which would be out of context in this paragraph.

10. Apparently Mainwaring's spelling of "hood ends," or "hooding ends" ("Sea- man's Dictionary," 256); cf. the OED, s.v. "hood" sb8.

1. Mainwaring defines "tuck" as "the very gathering up of the ship's quarters under water" ("Seaman's Dictionary," 250). The OED defines it as "the gathering of the ends of the bottom planks of a ship under the stern." Round tuck and flat tuck are variations in the manner in which this was done.

2. The relative pronoun ("that," "which") is missing here, as often in Smith's works.

3. Cf. Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 206: "The rake aftward on ... commonly is about a fourth or fifth part of her rake forward on."

4. "Wales."

5. For this term, see Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 104. "Jaggered" is perhaps a hapax legomenon for "jagged."

6. The reference is to Sir George Somers's cedar ship built in Bermuda, 1609–1610, called the Patience (see the Generall Historie, 175–176).

7. False decks for convenience in mounting ordnance (Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 96).

8. This replaces Mainwaring's "uppermost" (ibid., 213). The meaning is "aftermost."

1. A frequent spelling of "waist."

2. A variant spelling of "coamings."

3. A miscopy of Mainwaring's "they are" ("Seaman's Dictionary," 218).

4. A rare spelling of "sheaves." Properly, the sheaves were the wheels in the pulleys (see p. 19, below).

5. "Kevels" (cf. Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 172).

6. A variant form of "windlass" current in Smith's day.

7. A new sentence should begin here.

8. An uncommon word, more usually spelled "jeer."

9. "Voyal."

10. "Sease" was a variant spelling of "seize," meaning "to fasten two parts together."

1. "Dale."

2. A variant spelling of "thight," which is an earlier form of "tight" in the sense of "watertight."

3. A yellowish mixed metal like, or the same as, brass (cf. Spanish lata, "tin can"). Elder guns were popguns made of elder shoots.

4. "Coats"; these are explained on p. 16, below.

5. "Loof."

6. Variant of "foam."

7. More commonly, "hawse-holes."

8. The bit about the "Hause-plug" was added by Smith. The reference is probably to what is also called a hawse bag, a canvas bag filled with oakum used to stuff into the hawseholes, thereby preventing the entrance of seawater (see Peter Kemp, ed., The Oxford Companion to Ships and the Sea [London, 1976], 380).

9. "David" was an old form of "davit."

1. "Ceiling"; the word was not limited in nautical use to meaning "roof," but referred to inside planking generally.

2. An obsolete term practically synonymous with "bulkhead."

3. "Murderers" were small iron or brass cannons (see Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 189). The various kinds of ordnance are listed on p. 70, below.

4. "Pasteboard"; Smith's or the compositor's phonetic spelling.

5. Magnetized.

6. The traverse board was used to keep track of changes of course and either distance run or speed. This enabled the navigator to reckon course and distance made good at the end of the watch. Traverse tables were used for the calculation.

7. An obsolete form of "roll."

8. Possibly a misprint for "parted [off]" (cf. the OED, s.v. "bread-room"), but probably the meaning is "plated" with tin sheeting to protect the bread-room from rats and other vermin.

9. Also "tozed match," teased or shredded hemp, etc. Hurds, or hards, were the coarser parts of flax, hemp, etc.

1. Smeared.

2. Graving was cleaning a ship's bottom (usually by burning); Smith seems to have been confused (see Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 156–157).

3. "Broming" in some copies; the modern form is "breaming," more or less the same as graving.

4. The phrase "4. sharpe Flores" seems mutilated. "Having a sharp floor" meant "having a narrow and wedge-shaped bottom" (see the OED, s.v. "sharp," A.9.e.); Mainwaring refers to ships built "sharp under water" ("Seaman's Dictionary," 117). Below, "parsling" is an obsolete spelling of "parceling."

5. Read "precedents," i.e., specimen printed forms (cf. the Accidence, 10n).

6. "Bowsprit."

7. A made mast is one built up from several pieces rather than turned out of a single timber.

8. "Hoist." Mainwaring has a long paragraph on the "ties" ("Seaman's Dictionary," 245).

9. See ibid., 116.

10. "Trestle trees."

1. The rest of this paragraph is Smith's observation.

2. To "woold" is to bind with ropes, chains, etc.

3. "Sized."

4. "Lanyard."

5. "Taut."

6. Puttocks were small or short shrouds. Smith clarifies the matter on the next page. The word was later confused with "futtocks."

7. "Ratlines."

8. Mainwaring calls them "little round things of wood which belong to the parrells" ("Seaman's Dictionary," 249).

1. Mainwaring calls this the "snatch block" (ibid., 228), which is the term in modern use.

2. Make taut.

3. Another variant of "seize."

4. "Parbuckle."

5. Obsolete form of "robands."

6. "Brails."

7. "Cringles." Note that Smith goes on to cite two spellings of modern "furl," to which "fardel," "farl," and "furdle" may be added. The word is a good example of specialized jargon spread by word-of-mouth and eventually written down in various forms according to the pronunciation or hearing of the speaker or the listener. In this instance the source seems to have been an Arabic word for "bundle" (OED, s.v. "fardel" sb1.).

8. "Bowlines bridles."

1. "Goring."

2. "Chesstrees."

3. "Eyelet."

4. Obsolete form of "latchings."

5. Perhaps this should read, "or the bonnet to the Drabler," in view of the rest of the sentence.

6. This word could be an error for "cringle," or for "chinkle," a small loop in a rope. The latter is not in the OED, but is attested in F. H. Burgess, A Dictionary of Sailing (Baltimore, 1961), 50 (see the editor's Introduction, above).

7. "Nettles."

8. The meaning of "sarve" as used here is explained below.

9. More commonly, "paunch."

1. Broad shreds of cloth or rags, woven of loose ends, braided cordage, coarse hemp, etc.

2. "Seasen" is apparently a sea painter. In the margin, "Sirvis" seems to have been a unique spelling of "service," a "small cord ... wound around a rope to protect it" (OED, with a later reference).

3. A variant form of "gasket."

4. "Marline."

5. Lower ends.

6. Mainwaring has a pertinent passage: "an extraordinary wind ... will blow the sail out of the bolt ropes" ("Seaman's Dictionary," 101).

7. A cut splice refers to two ropes spliced to form an eye between the ropes. Mainwaring has a different word for "cut" (ibid., 231).

8. Obsolete form of "strands."

9. This is surely based on Smith's own experience on his second Chesapeake Bay voyage, July–Sept. 1608 (Proceedings, 37).

10. "Wadmal" was a coarse woolen material made in Wales in Smith's day and in Witney, near Oxford, still.

1. "Thwarts."

2. "Tholes."

3. "Carlins."

4. The word "ging" was more common in Smith's time. He was an early user of the word "gang" in the modern sense.

5. Probably an error for "Amens!" (cf. the Accidence, 30).

6. This list of 13 ropes can be taken for what it is worth. It is not complete, and it includes one or two names of doubtful general acceptance.

7. Read: "you have read in the chapter on the building of a ship" (p. 2, above).

8. "Buoy."

9. More commonly, "guest."

1. Girds were sudden, jerky movements.

2. "Grapnels."

3. No further information seems to be available (see the OED, s.v. "shot" sb2).

4. "Coil."

5. "Girt."

6. "Rooftrees."

7. "Stanchions."

8. "Monkey" or "monk's."

9. For explanatory notes pertinent to this chapter, see the Accidence, 1–7nn. The following changes in the sequence should be observed: the paragraph on the "Chirurgion," which in this book falls almost at the beginning of the chapter, was placed after the "Boteswaine" in the Accidence; a new paragraph on the "Trumpeter" was inserted in this book where the "Chirurgion" paragraph was in the Accidence. Otherwise the differences between the texts are of little consequence.

1. That is, "keep the ship near the wind." The word "latch" here is equal to, and perhaps a distortion of, "lurch" (see the OED, s.v. "lurch" sb3).

2. Read: "means no more than."

3. The origin of this exclamation is obscure. It may be a relic of Norman French prie Dieu, "pray to God." Note the exhortation below: "every man say his private prayer for a boone [bon] voyage."

4. This paragraph, as far as "... in their Cabbins to rest," has been expanded and improved from the Accidence, 7.

5. Gust.

6. Here, "tally" means "haul taut."

7. "Wear."

8. Parallel form of "slack."

9. "A-try" meant "lying to" in a storm.

1. To weather-coil is to lie to in a special way, described in what follows.

2. Sweep over.

3. Keeps her course.

4. "Ooze."

5. Mainwaring has a long passage pertinent to this bit of standard jargon ("Sea- man's Dictionary," 129–131).

6. Read: "keep the sails full, and sail as close by the wind as is possible."

7. "Braces."

8. As always in sailing, "height" means "latitude."

9. Two aids to navigation. The azimuth is an arc of the heavens at right angles to the horizon that extends up to the zenith; almacantars (now obsolete) were small circles of the heavens parallel to the horizon, cutting the meridian at equal distances (see the OED). There should obviously be a new paragraph after this passage.

1. These markings seem not to have changed (see Burgess, Dictionary of Sailing, 108).

2. This character looks like the letter c in the copy text, but careful inspection under magnification shows it to be a zero. Cf. the Accidence, 18, where some sort of error in the text is miscorrected in the Errata (p. 42). "5. o. [fathom] and a shaftment [handbreadth] lesse" makes more sense than the version given in the Accidence.

3. "Roomy," large (in the nautical sense); see "goe large," a few lines below.

4. "Nealed to, neal," is obsolete for "deep."

5. Grounded, high and dry; note the pronunciation "sued [syood]."

6. A common spelling then for "moor."

7. An occasional variant of "neither."

8. Nelson was the captain of the Phoenix. He arrived in Jamestown on Apr. 20, 1608, after being driven to the West Indies by a hurricane in late autumn 1607. It was from the likes of Nelson that Smith obtained many details.

1. The paragraphs that follow, to the bottom of p. 51, are stated to have been derived from Samuel Purchas's Pilgrimage (Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... [London, 1613]). This should be corrected to read Purchas's Pilgrimes (Hakluy- tus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... [London, 1625]), as explained in the note on p. 51, below.

2. Smith is mistaken here. The long borrowed passage is from Purchas's Pilgrimes, I, 124–126, which in turn is a small part of a long extract Purchas reprinted from Edward Brerewood, Enquiries touching the Diversity of Languages, and Religions through the cheife parts of the world ... (London, 1614). The original source for pp. 48–51, then, is Brerewood, Enquiries, 109–117. For Brerewood, see the Biographical Directory.

3. It is difficult to know just what proportions are meant. The facts known to the editor are: Edward Edwards states in his biography of Sir Walter Ralegh that one of Prince Henry's last enjoyments was his attendance at the launching of his fine ship the Prince Royal. Edwards notes that the ship was built in accordance with suggestions Ralegh included in a letter to Prince Henry written in c. 1610 (The Life of Sir W. Ralegh ... [London, 1868], I, 510–511, II, 330–332). The details in the letter correspond roughly with the proportions mentioned by Smith. But there is little to confirm that Ralegh's principles were applied to the Prince Royal. Ralegh is not mentioned in this connection in W. G. Perrin, ed., The Autobiography of Phineas Pett (Navy Records Soc., LI [London, 1918]), a work by the actual builder of the vessel. Finally, the letter to Henry first appeared in print in 1657, in the Remains of Sir Walter Raleigh ..., published in London. Smith may well have heard that such and such principles of proportion were suggested by Ralegh, but grounds for a specific attribution, with "chapter and verse," seem to the editor to be lacking.

4. A ship that is "cranky" heels too easily.

5. See p. 4n, above.

6. In the copy text, folios 54 and 55 were switched, although the text was in the correct order. The mistake has been corrected in this edition.

7. Obsolete usage meaning "unsteady," "cranky."

8. See n. 6, immediately above.

9. The chase refers to that part of a ship where the chase ports are; here undoubtedly the stern.

1. Booty, plunder.

2. Pebbles or stones from the beach.

3. It does not seem improbable that Smith was again inspired by Gervase Markham, whose Markams Maister-Peece ... (London, 1610) had appeared in a new edition as recently as 1623. In any case, it was in Smith's own day that the Dutch word meesterstuk first began to appear in anglicized form. We should not attribute any sense of overwrought self-esteem to Smith's use of it, for the meaning was not yet quite that of chef d'oeuvre or capo-lavoro. The meaning is merely "work of a master," and that in turn means "work of somebody who knows what he is talking about." And Smith explains himself quite clearly in the first paragraph. Yet this chapter, by any standard, is the masterpiece of Smith's reportorial incursion into the seaman's art (see D. W. Waters, The Art of Navigation in England in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times [New Haven, Conn., 1958], xxxiii– xxxv). What few comments the editor has to offer regarding chap. 13 are given only where the linguistic gulf seems too broad. Modern punctuation might facilitate quick reading, but would destroy the atmosphere John Smith created.

4. "Tier."

5. "Balls."

6. A customhouse certificate. The group of documents would constitute the ship's papers.

7. "Linseed."

8. For Smith's indebtedness to others for this chapter, see Waters, Art of Navigation, 472–474 and nn; and the list of works on p. 83, below.

1. "Entire."

2. An unusual name for the base ring around the breech of a gun. Below, "mussell" is modern "muzzle."

3. Smith obviously intended to say "honicombed," not "Taper boared."

4. "Lighted"; a common form of the past participle.

5. The element "budg[e]-" was derived from Old French bouge, "a small leather bag"; the English "bulge" comes from the same source.

6. Here "pike" appears to be an error for "spike." Trundle shots seem to have fallen into disuse by the 18th century. This passage contains bits not to be found in Mainwaring, "Seaman's Dictionary," 91, in the paragraph on arming a shot.

7. Later known as "langrage."

8. I.e., the wild fire was attached to arrows and ignited; thus they were shot "burning."

9. An aphetic form of "anointed."

1. No good; then a common meaning of the word.

2. Obscure variant of "tampion."

3. Slippery.

4. Elevation.

5. A "currier" seems to have been very similar to a harquebus, but it had a longer barrel.

6. A "harquebus á croc" had a hook (croc) to support it on a rest.

7. Obviously, a kind of firearm; the name is of uncertain derivation.

8. The books Smith refers to here are: Leonard Digges, A Geometrical Practise, named Pantometria ... (London, 1571, STC 6858 [orig. publ. 1511]); Thomas Smith, The Arte of Gunnerie ... (London, 1599, STC 22855); William Bourne, The Arte of shooting in great Ordnaunce ... (London, 1587, STC 3420); and Robert Norton, Of the Art of Great Artillery ... (London, 1624, STC 18676).

9. "Petro" may be a distortion of the word for the cannon called the pedrero in Spanish, also called perrier (Old French), both of which are mentioned as ship's guns in the OED.

10. It is impossible to tell for this weapon, because of battered agate (or smaller) type, whether the "bredth of the Ladle" is intended to be "6 ⅓" or "6 ⅕." The editor has printed it here as "6 ⅓," under the assumption that this is the more likely figure.

1. See the OED, s. v. "rabinet."

2. In Smith's day, this was a petty account kept of certain portions of a ship's provisions.

3. This is probably a typographical error for "4."

4. From here to the end of the Sea Grammar the pagination is wrong, skipping from p. 72 to p. 83. This obviously should have been "73."

5. On board ship the marshal superintended the carrying out of punishments.

6. In Smith's day the amplitude was the angular distance at rising or setting of any celestial body from magnetic E or W on the horizon.

7. Smith's references are to the following: Edward Wright, Certaine Errors in Navigation ... (London, 1610, STC 26020 [orig. publ. 1599]); John Tapp, The Seamans Kalender ..., 9th ed. (London, 1625, STC 23681 [orig. publ. 1602]); Martin Cortes, The Arte of Navigation ..., trans. Richard Eden (London, 1615, STC 5805 [orig. publ. 1561]); William Bourne, A Regiment for the Sea ... (London, 1620, STC 3430 [orig. publ. 1574]); John Davis, The Seamans Secrets ..., 4th ed. (London, 1626, STC 6370 [orig. publ. 1594?]); Willem Janszoon Blaeu, The Sea-Mirrour ..., trans. Richard Hynmers (Amsterdam, 1625, STC 3113), based on Lucas Janssen Wagenaer, The Mariners Mirrour ..., trans. Anthony Ashley (London, 1588, STC 24931); Edmund Gunter, De Sectore et Radio ... (London, 1623, STC 12520); John Aspley, Speculum Nauticum: A Looking Glasse, for Sea-Men ... (London, 1624, STC 861); Robert Norman, The newe Attractive ... (London, 1614, STC 18652 [orig. publ. 1581]); William Borough, A Discours of the Variation of the Cumpas ... (London, 1611, STC 3392 [orig. publ. 1581]); Edward Wright, The Description and use of the Sphære ... (London, 1627, STC 26022 [orig. publ. 1613]); Robertus Hues, Tractatus de Globis et eorum Usu ... (London, 1611, STC 13906a [orig. publ. 1594]), a work that had more recently appeared in Latin in Amsterdam (1624), in Dutch in Amsterdam (1623), and in French (Paris, 1618). The editor here acknowledges a great debt to Waters, Art of Navigation, 471–476, in connection with Smith's sources.

8. "74." For a few explanatory notes on the text from here to the end of the book, see the Accidence, 37–42 nn.

9. "75."

A Sea Grammar

The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.

The following lists have been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the Institute of Early American History and Culture. The list immediately below records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to print the word as a single word or as a hyphenated compound. The material before the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material after the bracket indicates how the word was broken in the original. The wavy dash symbol indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.

The list below contains words found as hyphenated compounds in the copy text that unavoidably had to be broken at the end of the line at the hyphen in the present text. In quoting or transcribing from the present text, the hyphen should be retained for these words. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.

130 Augusti 1627.

 Mistris [Anne] Griffin master [John] Havilond. Entred for their Copie under the handes of Master Doctor [Thomas?] Worrall and both the wardens [Master Clement Knight and Master Edmund Weaver] A booke Called A sea grammer by Captain John Smith .................... vid

 (Arber, Registers, IV, 184.)

Early:

1627. [Headpiece] ∥ A Sea Grammar, ∥ With ∥ THE PLAINE Exposition ∥ of Smiths Accidence for young ∥ Sea-men, enlarged. ∥ Divided into fifteene Chapters: what they are you ∥ may partly conceive by the Contents. ∥ Written by Captaine John Smith, sometimes ∥ Governour of Virginia, and Admirall of ∥ New-England. ∥ [ornament] ∥ London, ∥ Printed by John Haviland, ∥ 1627. ∥

Quarto, pp. [12], 1–72, 83–86 (there are no pages 73–82); A in two, (a) in four, B–K in fours, L in two.

1653. The Sea-mans Grammar: ... Imprinted at London, and are to be sold by Andrew Kemb, at St. Margarets Hill in Southwark, 1653.

For a description of this edition, see Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX (New York, 1927–1928), 252.

1691. The Sea-mans Grammar and Dictionary, ... London; Printed, and are to be Sold by Randal Taylow near Stationers Hall, MDCXCI.

For a description of this edition, see Sabin, Dictionary, 252–253.

1692. The Sea-mans Grammar and Dictionary, ... London; Printed for Tho. Dring and B. Griffin, and are to be Sold at the Harrow at Chancery-Lane end in Fleetstreet, 1692.

This issue is from the same setting of type as the preceding. See Sabin, Dictionary, 253–254.

1699. The Sea-man's Grammar and Dictionary, ... London; Printed for Richard Mount, at the Postern on Tower-Hill, 1699.

For a description, see Sabin, Dictionary, 254.

Modern:

1907. The Generall Historie of Virginia ... Together with the True Travels ... and A Sea Grammar, 2 vols. (Glasgow).

1970. A Sea Grammar with the Plaine Exposition of Smiths Accidence for Young Sea-Men, Enlarged, ed. Kermit Goell (London).

1630

John Smith's only outright autobiographical work, the True Travels, presents unusual difficulties for readers and editors alike. Beginning with a first chapter that is a masterpiece of disorganized writing, it runs through twenty chapters of apparent bombast that celebrate Smith's valorous deeds, only to come to an abrupt end, to which an appendix to his Generall Historie is irrelevantly annexed. These internal weaknesses detract so much from its historical credibility that casual readers tend to regard it as a mere tall tale, while editors find it exasperating. Hence it has long been called Smith's most "controversial" work. Yet as literature it contains much of Smith's finest writing, and historically it presents some of the most vivid glimpses of petty, vindictive warfare and human misery in the English language.

Indeed, from the point of view of content, the catchall adjective "controversial" could have been done without had Smith's editors and commentators of the past hundred-odd years been better informed about the history of the Mediterranean world generally, and southeastern Europe specifically, and had they troubled to make inquiries in such places as Venice, Vienna, and Budapest. But sweeping denunciations of Smith's book have been more the custom than investigation into recorded history, and in consequence Smith's Elizabethan exuberance was too easily taken for sheer prevarication. In addition, historians and literary critics more recently, who are somewhat better informed, have not known, or remembered, that English autobiographies were extremely rare in Smith's day. There was literally no model for Smith to follow, even had he looked for one.

The True Travels may be divided into two parts: the True Travels proper, which makes up the first two-thirds of the book, and the "Continuation of the Generall Historie," beginning on page 41, which constitutes the last third of the work. Looking at the former first, aside from the confusion in chapter 1, careful reading will separate the historical facts from Smith's subjective tales of what he did and will also make it possible to distinguish what Smith saw objectively in the countryside from what he subjectively encountered on the battlefield. Throughout the work it is peculiarly necessary to distinguish between Smith's statements of fact and his presentation of illustrative material.

The second part of the True Travels is a supplement to the Generall Historie and can be dismissed briefly. It contains extracts from various sources dealing with post-1624 events in America. Although these chapters contain only secondhand information, they have some historical importance. To these is appended a typically Smithian conclusion: a final chapter on the barely relevant subject of the pirates who infested the seas during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.

Participation with Smith in his adventures is fortunately aided by the chance existence of two versions of the text, the book under discussion and the "Travels and Adventures" edited by Samuel Purchas and printed in his Pilgrimes in 1625.1 In contrast to the Purchas version, the True Travels, entered for publication in 1629, was prepared for the press by Smith himself, but without noticeable benefit of any kind of editing.2

The autobiographical first part obviously was the raison d'être of the book as a whole. In this work, Smith himself is the central theme, and in that respect the True Travels was one of the first two or three secular autobiographies to appear in England.3 Even then, it did not spring full-blown from Smith's aging head. Occasional references to his youth appeared in his writings almost from the beginning: in the Map of Virginia's dedication to Edward Seymour, the earl of Hertford; in the Proceedings, 30; in the Descrip- tion of New England, on various pages, particularly in Richard Gunnell's commendatory verses;4 and, last and most important, in a reference printed below as Fragment I, and in the first printing of the bulk of the True Travels in Samuel Purchas's Pilgrimes, reprinted in this edition as Fragment J.

Pertaining to the True Travels primarily, as distinguished from "the Purchas version" (as it may conveniently be called), the editorial commentary provided here, other than the usual annotation, consists of the following: in chapter 1, two lengthy passages have been reconstructed in the footnotes, to clarify an obviously incoherent text; in the same vein, but rather to substantiate Smith's account, special local studies bearing on chapters 4–8 are discussed in this introduction under the heading "The Duke of Mercoeur's Campaign in Hungary" (also treated below is the vexed question of Smith's coat of arms); and finally, material pertinent to chapters 9–11, too considerable for a footnote, has been taken up in "General Giorgio Basta's Campaign in Transylvania," also below.

In the True Travels (top of p. 15, misprinted as "13"), the story of Zsigmond Báthory's gift of a shield of "three Turkes heads" is repeated verbatim from the Purchas version (Pilgrimes, II, 1366) only to the end of the sentence, after which Smith inserted the complete Latin text of the grant, accompanied by an engraving of the shield and followed by Sir William Segar's Latin confirmation of the act of recording it, along with an English translation of both (pp. 15–18). As to the authenticity of this transaction from the English standpoint, the York Herald of Arms, Dr. Conrad Swan, wrote the following to the editor: "One might say that the Arms of Captain John Smith, granted by Báthory were officially recorded in the Records of the College of Arms by means of a full transcription of the Letters Patent, issued by Báthory, including a drawing of the Armorial Bearings and Seal which depended from the Patent."5 The drawing of the shield may be ascribed to Robert Vaughan (see the Biographical Directory), who included a small version of it in the "map of Ould Virginia" commissioned for the Generall Historie as soon as Frances Howard, the duchess of Richmond and Lennox, responded to John Smith's broadside of 1623 (see Volume II). Thus it would appear that Smith was "legitimizing" his grant of arms by c. July 1624, when the Generall Historie was licensed for publication. Vaughan's original drawing is preserved in the College of Arms. It was officially copied for the editor some years ago and is reproduced in the front matter of Volume I of this edition.

All the same, and still from the English standpoint, three pertinent observations should be made that have to do with heraldic records of Smith's day. First, inaccuracies are known to have existed, including a "concocted" list of peers.6 Second, as to Segar's trustworthiness, one heraldic pursuivant has expressed the opinion, "If one may sum Segar up, he was not, I think, a knave, but it cannot be denied that he could show himself gullible."7 On the other hand, a third consideration tends to restore our confidence. Augustine Vincent, Windsor Herald from 1624 to 1626, compiled "Collectanea" among which we find comments on and corrections of Segar's recording of Smith's grant, but no question about its authenticity. This is significant because of "the high opinion entertained of his professional talent, ... and profound research, by those who are acquainted with the solid foundations which support his fame."8

From the Transylvanian and Hungarian viewpoint, however, many details must be mistaken. Of these divergences from bald fact, the following may be noted here: Zsigmond Báthory was Princeps, not Dux; "Vandalorum" in the Latin text was corrected by Segar to "Moldavia" in English; Zsigmond's titles as Comes (count) are not elsewhere recorded; Henricus Volda seems to the editor suspicious as a name, as do the three countships of Meldri, Salmariae, and Peldoiae; and Cambia (or Cambria) is not known as a name for any part of Tatary. In addition, while the three tusks on the seal (see below, 16) are characteristic for Zsigmond, both his title and the inscription around the seal are erroneous. And finally, Segar's translation is inaccurate in spots. These and other "slips" are more fully explained in appropriate footnotes.

For all that, it must be remembered that the printed version of these documents was derived from the recorded copy, for John Smith willed the original "Coate of Armes" to Thomas Packer (see the original testament transcribed in the Fragments), and it has since been lost. Corruptions may have crept in to the document in the course of transcription. At least one such document of similar import has survived (preserved in the Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Vienna) and has been inspected by the editor. This grant was inscribed on an oblong sheet about 19 ½ by 32 ½ centimeters (7 ½ by 12 ½ inches) in size, which was folded lengthwise twice and crosswise twice and sealed in the middle. It is at least an odd coincidence that this paper shows illegible words, due to damage in folding, at the same relative positions in the text as the erroneous or suspicious names in the recorded copy of Smith's grant in the College of Arms.9

Smith's memory, then, or the imagination of Sir William Segar, may be suspected of having provided the fantaisistes titles, and Sir William alone seems to have been the cause of the long-standing controversy about the location of Smith's three duels — the controversialists having failed to read the Latin original. That there were castles or fortified towns along the road to the "royal city" (ad urbem regalem, i.e., Alba Iulia) is a historical fact. Which of these was the scene of the duels, no one can tell today. To close the matter, it need only be said that to regard Smith's grant and its registration by the College of Arms as chicanery requires far more casuistry than to credit it as truth (see the inter-Hungarian altercation between Lewis L. Kropf and Laura Polanyi Striker).1

It is to be hoped that the long debate about the location of "Olumpagh" has been ended, as far as John Smith's career is concerned, by the recent publication of a monograph on the fall of Nagykanizsa, which includes a map of the Turkish movements along with Mercoeur's and an exhaustive lexicon of Slovenian place-names, and by the personal inspection of the suggested sites by the editor. There were, and are, two towns formerly known in German as Limbach: Upper and Lower, with Hungarian equivalents. Both were objects of Turkish raids. Upper Limbach, in the hills to the north, has been ruled out as the site of "Olumpagh" since it has no sizable river nearby and no heights from which signals could be seen at any distance. Lower Limbach (modern Lendava, Yugoslavia), on the other hand, fits Smith's description perfectly, and a record exists of a raid there in 1601.2

Regarding the later "liberation" of Szekesfehervar (Smith's "Stowllewesenburg"; German, Stuhlweissenburg) by Philippe-Emmanuel de Lorraine, the duke of Mercoeur, there are detailed accounts in German, and the subject is treated at some length in the editor's Three Worlds of Captain John Smith.3

In the discussion of Basta's campaign in the Three Worlds,4 the editor had overlooked that Basta had previously been chief of staff for Ferrante Gonzaga, governor of High Hungary and a cousin of Vincenzo Gonzaga, the duke of Mantua. More was to be found in Italian sources, especially in the Venetian documents long since printed in Baron Hurmuzaki's Documente.5 The following summary is the result of further consideration.

Due to the long Turco-Venetian border stretching from the Dalmatian coast around to the Aegean Sea, Venice was understandably interested in the "Long War." To play any official part in that war would have run counter to what had been Venetian policy for many years, yet it was vital to obtain firsthand information. Through the participation of various young and youngish latter-day condottiere, most of them apparently of good or even noble birth, this was accomplished. One of the more useful of these for our present-day purposes was Count Tommaso Cavriolo, otherwise practically unknown. Cavriolo went to collect information, and Basta gave him command of thirteen companies of infantry and 1,000 horse. In this way, thanks to the intelligence needs of the Republic of Venice and the desire of young John Smith to become a "gentleman," two complementary accounts of thwarted Tatar booty raids into Transylvania have survived. Smith had already encountered Turks in Hungary; Cavriolo was new on the scene. But in Transylvania both of them had to deal with a tower of Babel and a remarkable ethnic miscellany, including renegades of all sorts, mercenaries of all breeds, and myriads of Tatars.

The "intelligencer" (here, military spy) for Venice arrived at Basta's peripatetic headquarters in March/April 1602. On May 27 he was reporting to the Venetian ambassador (in Prague, probably) on the lack of discipline in the troops, the affairs of Zsigmond Báthory, and potential difficulties with the newly "recognized" voivode of Walachia, Radul Şerban. (It appears that Radul could have been persona grata to both the emperor and the sultan, but failed to see it.) Then in July, when Cavriolo was for some reason "remaining" somewhere else, word came that 140,000 Tatars were on their way, but on September 2, back in Medias, he wrote that he was about to take off, with 10,000 troops all told, in the opposite direction; Lippa (Lipova) was his target, 200-odd kilometers west. A week later, however, 2,000 Tatars attacked Radul's camp south of Brasov, 100-odd kilometers east of Medias, defeating Radul's 8,000 and killing 2,000. They also took 800 prisoners. Basta had already sent 3,000 Szekler infantry and 1,000 Transylvanian horse, but now posthaste Radul dispatched "two principal gentlemen" to Basta, asking for more troops and the personal support of Cavriolo. Cavriolo disclaimed any knowledge of how to run an army, but went anyway (undoubtedly the better to inform Venice). In the skirmishes of September 23–24 he apparently saved the day.

In short, on the Transylvanian side late in 1602 there was considerable activity. Cavriolo led his men to Brasov, 100-odd kilometers east by south and an unspecified distance beyond. There he encamped. Learning that Radul had dug in some 40 Italian miles (c. 60 kilometers) to the south, he next joined him there. The Tatar cavalry, then estimated on the spot at 40,000, was 60–70 Italian miles (89–103 kilometers) away. When the two armies met, Radul's forces, augmented twice in a fortnight, faced decidedly superior manpower. The clash took place somewhere inside Walachia, probably between Sinaia and Campulung.

Basta's report of September 18 to the Venetian ambassador implies that his army was sent to more than one part of Walachia "at the foot of the mountains." We have seen where Cavriolo went. John Smith, on the other hand, wrote that his contingent "marched along by the river Altus" (Olt River, today) to Rebrinke (modern Ramnicu-Valcea), about 120 kilometers south of Medias. From this point on the Olt they moved east and soon were skirmishing with Jeremia Movila's motley soldatesca "in the plaines of Peteske" (Pitesti), near "Argish" (Curtea-de-Arges), which is about 40 kilometers southwest of Campulung.

There were at least two engagements in the Arges area with Turkish troops, Smith thought. But straggling Tatars "were forraging those parts towards Moldavia," east of Campulung. Smith's commander wisely beat a hasty retreat "towards Rottenton," which is also called by its Hungarian name, Verestorony, in the True Travels. It was in the skirmishes during their retreat that Smith and his companions were nearly cut to pieces, and Smith was captured — not by the Turks, but by the Tatars. The Tatars cured his wounds and took him to the slave market at "Axiopolis," which is now called Cernavoda, although Smith may have been mistaken (as he often was) about the location. Cernavoda is just down the Danube from Silistra, and Cavriolo wrote that the Tatars he encountered were thought to be going in that direction. It is certain, in any case, that Smith did not hear the name "Axiopolis" from any Tatar. He found it on a map years later.

Considering the terrain, the disarray of the straggling Tatars, and the niggardly reinforcements in men and matériel sent by Basta, there is no reason to doubt Smith's participation in these engagements more than Cavriolo's. Cavriolo apparently did not know Basta's basic tactics; Smith knew nothing, though he disapproved of what he saw in the way of results. Yet in this instance, Basta was right. He wrote to the Venetian ambassador that he judged "this fury of Tatars will not last long." Indeed, the Tatars quickly moved on toward their winter quarters near Belgrade, leaving Smith and many others groaning on the battlefield.

The differences between the True Travels and the earlier Purchas version have been mentioned, particularly the noteworthy addition to the text of the Báthory grant of arms. Smith returns to the early version in chapter 9, expands it, and continues it through chapter 17. Comments on this part of Smith's story are therefore made as needed in Fragment J. A major digression begins with chapter 18, however, and continues to the end of chapter 20. Comment on these three chapters is needed here.

Chapter 18 is headed: "The observations of Captaine Smith; Master Henrie Archer and others in Barbarie." In the Purchas version, the final paragraph begins: "Then understanding that the Warres of Mully Shash and Mully Sedan ... (to which hee was animated by some friends) were concluded in peace, he imbarked himselfe for England with one thousand Duckets in his Purse."6 As stated in the footnotes, however (see p. 34n, below), the wars did not break out until after August 14, 1603 (about the time Smith escaped from Tatary), and cannot be said to have concluded even after Mālāi Zīdān won out in 1608. The account in the True Travels may consequently be assumed to have been based on Smith's presence in some parts of Morocco at the time. Yet the truth would seem to be that Smith found no opportunity there to enlist as a mercenary and thus filled up his narrative with more or less idle tales gathered on the spot, rounding it all off with an account of a "piratical" skirmish.7

A direct accusation made in Jamestown in 1607 claimed that Smith had been in Ireland before he came to Virginia. If so, it must have been late in 1604 on his way back to England from Morocco or sometime in 1605 as a side excursion from England. By the summer of that year, Smith seems to have been in England and to some extent involved in the plans for the establishment of the Jamestown colony.8 However it was, the uncertain passages that point to an Irish detour are these.

In September or October 1607, Edward Maria Wingfield, deposed president of the council in Virginia, said of Smith that "it was proved to his face, that he begged in Ireland like a rogue, without lycence."9 Wingfield had been in Ireland himself, but it may have been one Francis Magnel who made the charge (Magnel was an Irish mariner who sailed with Capt. Christopher Newport on the first Jamestown voyage, 1606–1607). In any event, there was bad blood between Smith and Wingfield,1 to the general detriment of the colony.

Although Smith himself refers to Irish mantles,2 Irish rugs,3 and so on, this does not prove that he was ever in Ireland. Many people (in addition to Smith) drew comparisons between the Irish and the North American Indians, or between Ireland and Virginia. William Strachey, who had never been in Ireland, compared Indian mantles with Irish "falinges" and Indian "stockings" with Irish "trouses";4 George Percy, who had been in Ireland, likened an Indian trail to an Irish "pace," or path.5 On the basis of such conflicting evidence, we cannot say that Smith's references to things Irish prove that he had seen them in Ireland. The matter must remain open.

Perhaps the best and the most that can be said of chapters 21 through 27 is that they show John Smith's continuing interest in English overseas colonization. In this section, he ventures to give, in turn, such bits of new information as he had about Virginia, Bermuda, and New England in North America, and he shows renewed interest in Guiana and an Amazonian project in South America, as well as in three budding West Indian colonies. But the overseas empire was growing too rapidly, in too many directions, for Smith to maintain easy contacts with all of the venturers, and he was getting old. He assembled and passed on what he collected, possibly on the insistence of his publisher, Thomas Slater, or at the appeal of John Haviland, his loyal printer. Yet the story is humdrum, the writing apathetic. Then, apparently all of a sudden, an idea came to Smith: the miserable pirates that infest the seas. In a final burst of eloquence, John Smith found a subject fit for his pen and appropriate for a prayer to his God and a salute to his king.

By far the most enlightened and readable background study for the autobiographical chapters of the True Travels is Fernand Braudel's great work on the Mediterranean.6 This masterly work summarizes and analyzes all known developments, events, and struggles of the Mediterranean world. Not one of the comparatively lilliputian adventures recounted in the True Travels fails to fall into place in the bewildering kaleidoscope of international activity revealed in Braudel's narrative: the Dutch struggle for independence; the French religious upheaval and war with Spain; French (and other) trade and piracy in the Levant; the Italy of Pope Clement VIII; the "Long War" between the Holy Roman emperor and the Turkish sultan in which Smith and Zsigmond Bathory took part; the exploits of the Turkish raiders (akinci); the timars (from one of which Smith escaped); and the origins of the Moroccan civil strife, in which Smith took no part at all. Anyone who reads Braudel's Mediterranean World will soon admit that the truth of what happened is far stranger than any fiction Smith is reputed to have woven into the True Travels.

It is the prerogative of professional critics to find fault. Smith's True Travels has long provided an opportunity for the exercise of that prerogative. While there were fabrications in other works by Smith, they said, the True Travels was pure prevarication. To these critics, the editor would pose a number of questions, among them the following:

If Smith never set foot in eastern Europe, where was he from 1600 to 1605? Where did he learn how to handle men on trips such as his explorations of Chesapeake Bay? If he had had no experience, why was Smith chosen in London for the local council in Virginia? Where did Smith learn rare Italian military terms? Where did he meet an obscure French count? Who gave Smith the Russian phrase do Zvyahel (Smith's "Duzihell")? Where did he learn about signposts in the "Wilderness" (Dikoye Polye) of the southern Ukraine? Where did he learn about the extraordinary discipline imposed on those being trained for the Ottoman civil service? Where did he read about a sea battle in the Mediterranean or the nearby Atlantic?

As Edward Arber wrote regarding a single incident, so it could be said of the whole True Travels: "To deny the truth of the Pocahontas incident is to create more difficulties than are involved in its acceptance."

1. Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London, 1625), II, 1361– 1370. (A modern edition of the Pilgrimes was published in 20 vols. by James MacLehose and Sons [Glasgow, 1905–1907].)

2. Because the editor had two versions to work with, it is possible here to present the True Travels in the same fashion as Smith's other works in this edition, while reserving for the footnotes to the Purchas version (printed as Fragment J, below) careful scrutiny of all "illustrative material" and discussion of surmises, circumstantial evidence, and hypotheses.

3. See Paul Delany, British Autobiography in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1969), 116–117.

4. See Philip L. Barbour, "Captain John Smith and the London Theatre," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXXXIII (1975), 277–279.

5. Personal communication, Aug. 31, 1976.

6. See William Huse Dunham, Jr., "'The Books of the Parliament' and 'The Old Record,' 1396–1504," Speculum, LI (1976), 695.

7. Personal communication from Michael MacLagan, Slains Pursuivant, Mar. 22, 1958.

8. Nicholas Harris Nicolas, Memoir of Augustine Vincent, Windsor Herald (London, 1827).

9. See Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, 1964), 374, 483– 484, n. 2.

1. Lewis L. Kropf, "Captain John Smith of Virginia," Notes and Queries, 7th Ser., IX (1890), 1–2, 41–43, 102–104, 161–162, 223–224, 281–282; with a rebuttal by Dr. Laura Polanyi Striker, "The Hungarian Historian, Lewis L. Kropf, on Captain John Smith's True Travels: A Reappraisal," VMHB, LXVI (1958), 22–43.

2. During the mid-1970s the editor studied the terrain around both Upper and Lower Limbach, as well as southern Transylvania. For bibliographical references, see the footnotes to the Smith text, below. On the fall of Nagykanizsa, see Günther Cerwinka, "Die Eroberung der Festung Kanizsa durch die Türken im Jahre 1600," in Alexander Novotny and Berthold Sutter, eds., Innerösterreich 1564–1619 (Graz, [1968]), 409–511.

3. Barbour, Three Worlds, 33–36, 407–408, n. 1.

4. Ibid., 38–44, 50–55, and pertinent notes.

5. Eudoxiu de Hurmuzaki, comp., Documente privitóre la istoria Românilor (Bucharest, 1887– 1922), VIII, 229–254.

6. Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 1370.

7. See the pertinent footnotes and the comments on the sea fight at the end of the editor's Introduction to Fragment J.

8. See Barbour, Three Worlds, 83–93.

9. Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606–1609 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI–CXXXVII [London, 1969]), I, 231.

1. Ibid., 223–224, 231–232.

2. Map of Va., 20; Proceedings, 18.

3. New Englands Trials (1620), sig. C1v.

4. William Strachey, The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund (Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CIII [London, 1953]), 71, 73.

5. Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 139.

6. Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, trans. Siân Reynolds (New York, 1972 [rev. ed. orig. publ. Paris, 1966]).

THE TRUE TRAVELS, ADVENTURES, AND OBSERVATIONS OF Captaine John Smith, In Europe, Asia, Affrica, and America, from Anno Domini 1593. to 1629.

His Accidents and Sea-fights in the Straights; his Service and Stratagems of warre in Hungaria, Transilvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia, against the Turks, and Tartars; his three single combats betwixt the Christain Armie and the Turkes.

Together with a continuation of his generall History of Virginia, Summer-Iles, New England, and their proceedings, since 1624. to this present 1629; as also of the new Plantations of the great River of the Amazons, the Iles of St. Christopher, Mevis, and Barbados in the West Indies.

All written by actual Authours, whose names you shall finde along the History.

LONDON, Printed by J.H. for Thomas Slater, and are to bee sold at the Blew Bible in Greene Arbour. 1630.

[Concerning the date of 1629 in line nine of the title page, see p. 1n, below. In line twenty-two, "Mevis" was a contemporary form of "Nevis."

The editor is grateful to the New York Public Library for permission to reproduce this title page.]

[Thomas Cecill's design marshals in a single shield John Smith's own three Turks' heads (see p. 15, below) in the first and fourth quarters and what purport to be family coats of a Smith and a Rickards (or Richards) family in the second and third quarters, respectively. The latter coats had already been shown in impalements on the title page of the Generall Historie, engraved by John Barra, and on the map of Ould Virginia, engraved by Robert Vaughan (see Volume II). Neither Barra nor Cecill is known to have dabbled much in heraldry (Arthur M. Hind, Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: A Descriptive Catalogue with Introductions [Cambridge, 1952–1964], III, 31–47, 95–101). Vaughan, however, was "not only a student of heraldry, but something of an antiquarian himself and one versed in the contemporary mania for antiquarian fantasy which necessitated that peculiar combination of painstaking research and romantic invention" he is known to have possessed (ibid., 49). It may consequently be assumed that the impalement was his work, and that it was copied or adapted by Barra and Cecill.

On this assumption it may be surmised that Vaughan, working with John Guillim's A Display of Heraldrie ... (London, 1610, reissued 1611), as well as with available manuscript sources, was able to find one or more armigerous Smith families that had in common the use of three fleurs-de-lis in their arms (e. g., the Smyths of Theddlethorpe, Lincolnshire) and thus created a shield for John Smith's ancestors. In addition, Vaughan appears to have added to the original shield the crest showing an ostrich with a horseshoe in its beak — a Lancashire family of Smiths at one time used such a device.

As for the Rickards (or Richards) family of Yorkshire, both the three garbs and the talbot's-head crest are on record, independently, but it is impossible to be certain of heraldic connections on such slim grounds. We can say only that the quartering shown here is not to be found in any known surviving records, though it may well have been accepted at the time as justifiable illustration of the family background of Captain Smith. Such uses of heraldic devices were not unknown at the time, or even more recently (cf. Adm. William Henry Smyth's eighteenth-century incorporation of the three Turks' heads in his own arms).

Smith's coat of arms is usually found on the verso of the title page to the True Travels, although it is occasionally found on a separate leaf, as we have presented it here, perhaps because Cecill was late in delivering the plate to the printer (see Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX [New York, 1927–1928], 159). A reproduction of the coat of arms as it should look properly colored is printed in Volume I of this edition.

The editor is grateful to the New York Public Library for permission to reproduce the coat of arms.]

My Lords:

Sir Robert Cotton,2 that most learned Treasurer of Antiquitie, having by perusall of my Generall Historie, and others, found that I had likewise undergone divers other as hard hazards in the other parts of the world, requested me to fix the whole course of my passages in a booke by it selfe, whose noble desire I could not but in part satisfie; the rather, because ∥ they have acted my fatall Tragedies upon the Stage,3 and racked my Relations at their pleasure. To prevent therefore all future misprisions,4 I have compiled this true discourse. Envie hathtaxed me to have writ too much, and done too little; but that such should know, how little I esteeme them, I have writ this, more for the satisfaction of my friends, and all generous and well disposed Readers: To speake only of my selfe were intolerable ingratitude; because, having had so many co-partners with me; I cannot make a Monument for my selfe, and leave them unburied in the fields, whose lives begot me the title of a Souldier; for as they were companions with me in my dangers, so shall they be partakers with me in this Tombe.5

For my Sea Grammar (caused to bee printed by my worthy friend, Sir Samuel Saltonstall6) hathfound such good entertainment abroad, that I have beene importuned by many noble persons, to let this also passe the Presse. Many of the most eminent Warriers, and others, what their swords did, their penns writ: Though I bee never so much their inferiour, yet I hold it no great errour, to follow good examples; nor repine at them, will doe the like.7

And now my most Honourable good Lords, I know not to whom I may better present it, than to your Lordships, whose friendships, as I conceive, are as much to each others, as my duty is to you all; and because you are acquainted both with my endevours, and writings, I doubt not, but your honours will as well accept of this, as of the rest, and Patronize it under the shadow of your most noble vertues, which I am ever bound in all duty to reverence, and under which I hope to have shelter, against all stormes that dare threaten.

Your Honours to be commanded,

John Smith.

1. For the three earls to whom the book is dedicated, see the Biographical Directory. William Herbert, earl of Pembroke, was reputed to be the richest nobleman in England. Robert Bertie, earl of Lindsey, was an old friend (see pp. 2 and 5, below). Henry Cary, earl of Dover, may have shown himself a "well-willer" in some way or other. Pembroke was a relatively ancient title; the other two dated from 1626. (Perhaps the names were suggested to Smith by Sir Robert Cotton and Sir Samuel Saltonstall.)

2. For Sir Robert Bruce Cotton, see the Biographical Directory.

3. It seems that a play based on Smith's adventures in eastern Europe was performed at Richard Gunnell's Fortune Theatre sometime between 1616 and c. 1629 (see Gunnell's commendatory verse in the Description of N.E., sig. A2v, A2vn; Richard James's verse, sig. A5r, below; and Philip L. Barbour, "Captain John Smith and the London Theatre," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXXXIII [1975], 277–279).

4. "Misprisions" is a vague word here, meaning something between "mistakes" and "misunderstandings."

5. Cf. "Behold this Tombe of words," in Gervase Markham's Devoreux (London, 1597).

6. For Sir Samuel Saltonstall, see the Biographical Directory. Below, the phrase "entertainment abroad" means "reception at large, generally."

7. The meaning is: "nor murmur against those who will do the like."

\ TWo greatest Shires of England did thee beare,
Renowned Yorkshire, Gaunt-stild Lancashire;
But what's all this? even Earth, Sea, Heaven above,
Tragabigzanda, Callamata's love,
Deare Pocahontas, Madam Shanoi's too,
Who did what love with modesty could doe:
Record thy worth, thy birth, which as I live,
Even in thy reading such choice solace give,
As I could wish (such wishes would doe well)
Many such Smiths in this our Israel.8

8. Here the name refers to the Christian community in England.

9. See the Biographical Directory.

R. Brathwait.9

\ THou hast a course so full of honour runne,
Envy may snarle, as dogges against the Sunne
May barke, not bite: for what deservedly
With thy lifes danger, valour, pollicy,
Quaint warlike stratagems, abillity
And judgement, thou hast got, fame sets so high
Detraction cannot reach: thy worth shall stand
A patterne to succeeding ages, and
Cloth'd in thy owne lines, ever shall adde grace,
Unto thy native Country and thy race;
And when dissolv'd, laid in thy mothers wombe,
These, Cæsar-like, Smiths Epitaph and tombe.

1. See the Biographical Directory.

Anthony Fereby.1

\ MOngst Frenchmen, Spanyards, Hungars, Tartars, Turks,
And wilde Virginians too, this tells thy works:
Now some will aske, what benefit? what gaine?
Is added to thy store for all this paine?
Th' art then content to say, content is all,
Th'ast got content for perils, paine and thrall;
Tis lost to looke for more: for few men now
Regard Wit, Learning, Valour; but allow
The quintessence of praise to him that can
Number his owne got gold, and riches, than
Th' art Valiant, Learned, Wise; Pauls counsell will,
Admire thy merits, magnifie thy skill.
The last of thine to which I set my hand
Was a Sea Grammar; this by Sea and Land,
Serves us for imitation: I know none,
That like thy selfe hast come, and runne, and gone,
To such praise-worthy actions: bee't approv'd,
Th'ast well deserv'd of best men to be lov'd:
If France, or Spaine, or any forren soile
Could claime thee theirs, for these thy paines and toile,
Th' adst got reward and honour: now adayes,
What our owne natives doe, we seldome praise.
Good men will yeeld thee praise; then sleight the rest;
Tis best praise-worthy to have pleas'd the best.

2. Ed[ward?] Jorden contributed five rhyming couplets to the Sea Grammar, sig. (a3)r; see the Biographical Directory.

Tuissimus Ed. Jorden.2

\ DEare noble Captaine, who by Sea and Land,
To act the earnest of thy name hast hand
And heart; who canst with skill designe the Fort,
The Leaguer,3 Harbour, City, Shore, and Port:
Whose sword and pen in bold, ruffe, Martiall wise,
Put forth to try and beare away the prize,
From Cæsar and Blaize Monluc: Can it be,
That Men alone in Gonnels fortune see
Thy worth advanc'd? no wonder since our age,
Is now at large a Bedlem or a Stage.

3. A leaguer was a siege camp (from Dutch leger, "camp"; cf. German Lager, broadly "camp"). Below, "ruffe" was a variant spelling of "rough." Also below: for Blaise de Montluc (c. 1502–1577), whose Commentaires (Bordeaux, 1592) was inspired by Caesar's "Commentaries," see the Biographical Directory; "Gonnels fortune" refers to Richard Gunnell's Fortune Theatre (see sig. A2vn, above); "Bedlem" was Bethlehem Hospital, then just outside Bishopsgate, London, which in 1377 "began to be used by "distracted persons'" (William Kent, ed., An Encyclopaedia of London [London, 1937], 34) — in short, a madhouse.

4. Richard James was Sir Robert Bruce Cotton's scholarly librarian (see the Biographical Directory). A holographic copy of the verses, headed "To Captaine Jhon [sic] Smith on the edition of his owne life," survives in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (MS *James 35, p. 8), with no significant variants.

Rich. James.4

\ THou that hast had a spirit to flie like thunder,
Without thy Countries charge through those strange dangers,
Doth make my muse amaz'd, and more to wonder,
That thy deserts should shared be by strangers,
And thou neglected; (ah miracle!) most lamented,
At thy great patience thus to rest contented.

\ For none can truly say thou didst deceive,
Thy Souldiers, Sailers, Merchants, nor thy friends,
But all from thee a true account receive,
Yet nought to thee all these thy vertues brings;
Is none so noble to advance thy merit,
If any be, let him thy praise inherit.

5. Master (Magister?) Hawkins seems almost certainly to have been William Hawkins (fl. 1622–1637), schoolmaster, later curate, and poet (see the Biographical Directory).

Ma. Hawkins.5

\ TO combate with three Turks in single du'le,6
Before two Armies, who the like hathdone?
Slaine thy great Jailor ; found a common weale
In faire America where; thou hast wonne
No lesse renowne amongst their Savage Kings,
Than Turkish warres, that thus thy honour sings.

\ Could not those tyrants daunt thy matchlesse spirit,
Nor all the cruelty of envies spight:
Will not thy Country yet reward thy merit,
Nor in thy acts and writings take delight?
Which here in so few sheets doth more expresse
Than volumes great, this is thy happinesse.

6. A contraction of "duelle," an unusual spelling for "duel."

7. Not certainly identified.

Richard Meade.7

\ THou hast no need to covet new applause,
Nor doe I thinke vaine-glory moves thee to it;
But since it is thy will8 (though without cause)
To move a needlesse thing, yet will I doe it:
Doe it in briefe I will, or else I doe the9 wrong,
And say, read or'e Captaine Smiths former song;
His first then will invite thee to his latter:
Reader 'tis true; I am not brib'd to flatter.

8. Here is clear evidence that Smith solicited commendatory verses.

9. "The" was a frequent variant of "thee." In the next line, "or'e" is a variant of "over" with a misplaced apostrophe.

1. For Edward Ingham, see the commendatory verses prefixed to the Generall Historie, and the Biographical Directory.

Edw. Ingham.1

\ THe old Greeke Bard, counts him the onely man,
Who knowes strange Countries, like his Ithacan,2
And wise, as valiant, by his observation,
Can tell the severall customes of each Nation:
All these are met in thee, who will not then
Repute thee in the ranke of worthiest men?

\ To th' Westerne world to former times unknowne,
Thy active spirit haththy valour showne:
The Turks and Tartars both can testifie,
Thee t' have deserv'd a Captaines dignity;
But verse thou need'st not to expresse thy worth,
Thy acts, this booke doe plainly set it forth.

2. The "Ithacan" was Odysseus. Cartner seems to have borrowed the theme of his first four lines from I. C.'s verse, immediately below.

M. Cartner.

\ NO* Faith in Campe? tis false: see pious Smith
hathbrought stragling Astræa backe, and with
An all-outdaring spirit made Valour stand
Upheld by Vertue in bold Mars his land:
If Valourous, be praise; how great's his Name?
Whose Valour joynd with Vertue laud's his Fame.
T'was Homers boast of wise Laertes sonne,
*Well-read in men and Cities: than thou none
(Great Smith) of these can more true tales rehearse;
What want thy praises then, but Homers verse? *Nulla fides pietasque viris, qui castra sequuntur. *πολλὥν δ' αὶϑρώπων ἵδεν άζεα, χϳ νόον ἕγνω. Hom. Odyss. a.

\

3. For I. C., see the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Cruso, John." The marginal note in Latin is from Marcus Annaeus Lucan, Pharsalia, X, 407, and can be rendered as, "[There is] no faith or piety in men who follow [military] camps." The marginal note in Greek (badly printed in the original and with errors) is from Homer, Odyssey, A, 3, "[Well,] he saw the cities and came to know the minds of many men" (πολλω̂ν δ' ἀνθρώπων ἵδεν ἄστεα καὶ νοον εννω).

4. C. P. appears to have been Christopher Potter; see the Biographical Directory under that name. The Latin distich is based on a maxim of Appius Claudius Caecus (c. 350–280 B.C. or later), which is quoted in Sallust, De re publica oratio, I, 2, "Appius ait, fabrum esse suae quemque fortunae" — "Appius says, every man is the maker of his own fortune." The distich can be roughly translated: "Everyone is the maker of his own destiny: has any smith ever more truly forged his own fortune than you, Smith?"

I. C.3 C. P.4

\ TO see bright honour sparkled all in gore,
Would steele a spirit that ne're fought before:
And that's the height of Fame, when our best bloud,
Is nobly spilt in actions great and good:
So thou hast taught the world to purchase Fame,
Rearing thy story on a glorious frame,
And such foundation doth thy merits make it,
As all detractions rage shall never shake it;
Thy actions crowne themselves, and thy owne pen,
Gives them the best and truest Epiphonem.5

5. An epiphonema was an exclamatory summation.

6. See the Biographical Directory.

Brian O Rourke.6

\ CAn one please all? there's none from Censure free,
To looke for't then it were absurd in thee;
It's easie worke to censure sweetest Layes,
Where Ignorance is Judge thou'd have no praise:
Wisdome I know will mildly judge of all,
Envious hearts, tongues, pennes, are dippt in Gall.
Proud malignant times will you now bring forth
Monsters at least to snarle at others worth;
O doe not so, but wisely looke on him
That wrought such Honours for his Countries King:
Of Turks and Tartars thou hast wonne the field,
The great Bashaw his Courage thou hast quel'd;
In the Hungarian warre thou'st shewd thy Arts,
Prov'd thy Selfe a Souldier true in all parts:
Thy Armes are deckt with that thy Sword hathwonne,
Which mallice can't out-weare till day be done:
For three proud Turks in single fight thou'st slue,
Their Heads adorne thy Armes, for witnesse true;
Let Mars and Neptune both with Pregnant wit,
Extoll thy due deserts, Ile pray for it.

7. [Salomon?] Tanner's identity is unknown.

Salo. Tanner.7

HE was borne in Willoughby in Lincolne-shire,3 and a Scholler in the two Free-schooles of Alford and Louth.4 His father anciently descended from the ancient Smiths of Crudley in Lancashire; his mother from the Rickards at great Heck in York-shire.5

His parents dying6 when he was about thirteene yeeres of age, left him a competent meanes, which hee not being capable to manage, little regarded; his minde being even then set upon brave adventures, sould his Satchell, bookes, and all he had, intending secretly to ∥ get to Sea, but that his fathers death7 stayed him. But now the Guardians8 of his estate more regarding it than him, he had libertie enough, though no meanes, to get beyond the Sea. About the age of fifteene yeeres hee was bound an Apprentice to Master Thomas Sendall9 of Linne, the greatest Merchant of all those parts; but because hee would not presently send him to Sea, he never saw his master in eight yeeres after.

At last he found meanes10 to attend Master Perigrine Barty1 into France, second sonne to the Right Honourable Perigrine, that generous Lord Willoughby, and famous Souldier; where comming to his brother Robert, then at Orleans, now Earle of Linsey, and Lord great Chamberlaine of England; being then but little youths under Tutorage: his service being needlesse, within a monethor six weekes they sent him backe againe to his friends; who when he came from London they liberally gave him (but out of his owne estate) ten shillings to be rid of him; such oft is the share of fatherlesse children: but those two Honourable Brethren gave him sufficient to returne for England. But it was the least thought of his determination, for now being freely at libertie in Paris, growing acquainted with one Master David Hume,2 who making some use of his purse, gave him Letters to his friends in Scotland to preferre him to King James. Arriving at Roane, he better bethinkes himselfe, seeing his money neere spent, downe the River he went to Haver de grace, where he first began to learne the life of a souldier: Peace being concluded in France,3 he went with Captaine Joseph Duxbury into the Low-countries, under whose Colours having served three or foure yeeres, he tooke his journey for Scotland, to deliver his Letters.

At Ancusan4 he imbarked himselfe for Lethe, but as much danger, as shipwracke and sicknesse could endure, hee had at the holy Ile in Northumberland neere Barwicke:5 (being recovered) into Scotland he went to deliver his Letters.

After much kinde usage amongst those honest Scots at Ripweth and Broxmoth,6 but neither money nor meanes7 to make him a Courtier, he returned to Willoughby in Lincolne-shire; where within a short time being glutted with too much company, wherein he took small delight, he retired himselfe into a little wooddie pasture, a good way from any towne, invironed with many hundred Acres of other woods: Here by a faire brook he built a Pavillion of boughes, where only in his cloaths8 he lay. His studie was Machiavills Art of warre,9 and Marcus Aurelius;10 his exercise a good horse, with his lance and Ring; his food was thought to be more of venison than any thing else; what he wanted his man1 brought him. The countrey2 wondering at such an Hermite; His friends perswaded one Seignior Theadora Polaloga,3 Rider to Henry Earle of Lincolne, an excellent Horse-man, and a noble Italian Gentleman, to insinuate into his wooddish acquaintances, whose Languages4 and good discourse, and exercise of riding drew him to stay with him at Tattersall.5 Long these pleasures could not content him, but hee returned againe to the Low-Countreyes.6

THUS when France and Netherlands had taught him to ride a Horse and use his Armes, with such rudiments of warre, as his tender yeeres in those martiall Schooles could attaine unto; he was desirous to see more of the world, and trie his fortune against the Turkes,8 both lamenting and repenting to have seene so many Christians slaughter one another.9 Opportunitie casting him into the company of foure French Gallants well attended, faining to him the one to be a great Lord,1 the rest his Gentlemen, and that they were all devoted that way; over-perswaded him to goe with them into France, to the Dutchesse of Mercury, from whom they should not only have meanes, but also Letters of favour to her noble Duke,2 then Generall for the Emperour Rodolphus in Hungary; which he did, with such ill weather as winter affordeth, in the darke night they arrived in the broad shallow In-let of Saint Valleries sur Some in Picardie; his French Lord knowing he had good apparell, and better furnished with money than themselves, so plotted with the Master of the ship to set his and their owne trunckes a shore leaving Smith aboard till the boat could returne, which was the next day after towards evening; the reason hee alleaged was the sea went so high hee could come no sooner, and that his Lord was gone to Amiens where they would stay his comming; which treacherous villany, when divers other souldiers, and passengers understood, they had like to have slaine the Master, and had they knowne how, would have runne away with the ship. A notable villan10 of foure French Gallants.

Comming on shore hee had but one Carralue,3 was forced to sell his cloake to pay for his passage. One of the souldiers, called Curzianvere, compassionating his injury, assured him this great Lord Depreau was only the sonne of a Lawyer of Mortaigne4 in base Britany, and his Attendants Cursell, La Nelie, and Monferrat, three young citizens, as arrant cheats as himselfe; but if he would accompany him, he would bring him to their friends, but in the interim supplied his wants: thus travelling by Deepe, Codebeck, Humphla, Pount-demer in Normandie, they came to Cane5 in base Normandie; where both this noble Curzianvere,6 and the great Prior of the great Abbey of Saint Steven (where is the ruinous Tombe of William the Conquerour,) and many other of his friends kindly welcomed him, and brought him to Mortaigne, where hee found Depreau and the rest, but to small purpose; for Master Curzianvere was a banished man, and durst not be seene, but to his friends: yet the bruit of their cosenage occasioned the Lady Collumber, the Baron Larshan, the Lord Shasghe,7 and divers other honourable persons, to supply his wants, and with them to recreate himselfe so long as hee would: but such pleasant pleasures suited little with his poore estate, and his restlesse spirit, that could never finde content, to receive such noble favours, as he could neither deserve nor re- ∥ quite: but wandring from Port to Port to finde some man of war, spent that he had, and in a Forest, neere dead with griefe and cold, a rich Farmer found him by a faire Fountaine under a tree: This kinde Pesant releeved him againe to his content, to follow his intent. Not long after, as he passed thorowa great grove of trees, betweene Pounterson and Dina in Britaine,8 it was his chance to meet Cursell, more miserable than himselfe: His piercing injuries had so small patience, as without any word they both drew, and in a short time Cursell fell to the ground, where from an old ruinated Tower the inhabitants seeing them, were satisfied, when they heard Cursell confesse what had formerly passed; and that how in the dividing that they had stolne from him, they fell by the ears amongst themselves, that were actors in it; but for his part, he excused himselfe to be innocent as well of the one, as of the other. In regard of his hurt, Smith was glad to be so rid of him, directing his course to an honourable Lord, the Earle of Ployer,9 who during the warre in France, with his two brethren, Viscount Poomory, and Baron d' Mercy, who had beene brought up in England; by him he was better refurnished than ever. When they had shewed him Saint Malo, Mount Saint Michael, Lambal, Simbreack,10 Lanion, and their owne faire Castle of Tuncadeck, Gingan, and divers other places in Britanny, (and their Brittish Cornwaile) taking his leave, he tooke his way to Raynes, the Britaines chiefe Citie, and so to Nantes, Poyters, Rochell, and Burdeaux. The rumour of the strength of Bayon in Biskay, caused him to see it; and from thence tooke his way from Leskar in Biearne, and Paw in the kingdom of Navar to Tolouza in Gascoigne, Bezers and Carcassone, Narbone, Montpellier, Nimes1 in Languedock, and thorowthe Country of Avignion, by Arles to Marcellos in Province, there imbarking himselfe for Italy, the ship was enforced to Tolonne, and putting againe to sea, ill weather so grew upon them, they anchored close aboard the shore, under the little Isle of S. Mary,2 against Neice in Savoy. Here the inhumane Provincialls, with a rabble of Pilgrimes of divers Nations going to Rome, hourely cursing him, not only for a Hugonoit, but his Nation they swore were all Pyrats, and so vildly railed on his dread Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth, and that they never should have faire weather so long as hee was aboard them; their disputations grew to that passion, that they threw him over-board, yet God brought him to that little Isle, where was no inhabitants, but a few kine and goats. The next morning he espied two ships more riding by them, put in by the storme, that fetched him aboard, well refreshed him, and so kindly used him, that he was well contented to trie the rest of his fortune with them. After he had related unto them his former discourse, what for pitie, and the love of the Honourable Earle of Ployer, this noble Britaine his neighbour, Captaine la Roche3 of Saint Malo, regarded and entertained him for his well respected friend. With the next faire wind they sailed along by the Coast of Corsica and Sardinia, and crossing the gulfe of Tunis, passed by Cape Bona to the Isle of Lampadosa, leaving the coast of Barbary till they came at Cape Rosata,4 and so along the African shore, for Alexandria in Ægypt. There delivering their fraught, they went to Scandaroone; rather to view what ships was in the Roade, than any thing else: keeping their ∥ course by Cypres and the coast of Asia, sayling by Rhodes, the Archipellagans, Candia, and the coast of Grecia, and the Isle of Zaffalonia. They lay to5 and againe a few dayes betwixt the Isle of Corfue and the Cape of Otranto in the Kingdome of Naples, in the Entrance of the Adriatike sea. A Carralue is value a penny. Here he incountred one of the theeves. The noblenesse of the Earle of Ployer. An inhumane act of the Provincialls in casting him over-board. Captain La Roche releeves him.

betwixt the two Capes they meet with an Argosie6 of Venice, it seemed the Captaine desired to speake with them, whose untoward answer was such, as slew them a man; whereupon the Britaine7 presently gave them the broad-side, then his Sterne, and his other broad-side also, and continued the chase, with his chase peeces, till he gave them so many broad-sides one after another, that the Argosies sayles and tackling was so torne, she stood to her defence, and made shot for shot; twice in one houre and a halfe the Britaine boarded her, yet they cleared themselves, but clapping her aboard againe, the Argosie fired him, which with much danger to them both was presently quenched. This rather augmented the Britaines rage, than abated his courage; for having reaccommodated himselfe againe, shot her so oft betweene wind and water, shee was readie to sinke, then they yeelded; the Britaine lost fifteene men, she twentie, besides divers were hurt, the rest went to worke on all hands; some to stop the leakes, others to guard the prisoners that were chained, the rest to rifle her. The Silkes, Velvets, Cloth of gold, and Tissue, Pyasters, Chicqueenes and Sultanies, which is gold and silver,8 they unloaded in foure and twentie houres, was wonderfull, whereof having sufficient, and tired with toile, they cast her off with her company, with as much good merchandize as would have fraughted such another Britaine, that was but two hundred Tunnes, she foure or five hundred. A desperate sea-fight.

To repaire his defects, hee stood for the coast of Calabria, but hearing there was six or seven Galleyes9 at Mesina hee departed thence for Malta, but the wind comming faire, he kept his course along the coast of the Kingdome of Sicilia by Sardinia and Corsica, till he came to the Road of Antibo in Peamon,1 where he set Smith on shore with five hundred chicqueenes, and a little box God sent him worth neere as much more. Here he left this noble Britaine, and embarked himselfe for Lygorne,2 being glad to have such opportunitie and meanes to better his experience by the view of Italy; and having passed Tuskany, and the Countrey of Sieana, where hee found his deare friends, the two Honourable Brethren, the Lord Willoughby and his Brother cruelly wounded, in a desperate fray, yet to their exceeding great honour.3 Then to Viterbo and many other Cities he came to Rome, where it was his chance to see Pope Clement the eight, with many Cardinalls, creepe up the holy Stayres, which they say are those our Saviour Christ went up to Pontius Pilate, where bloud falling from his head, being pricked with his crowne of thornes, the drops ∥ are marked with nailes of steele, upon them none dare goe but in that manner, saying so many Ave-Maries and Pater-nosters, as is their devotion, and to kisse the nailes of steele: But on each side is a paire of such like staires, up which you may goe, stand, or kneele, but divided from the holy Staires by two walls: right against them is a Chappell, where hangs a great silver Lampe, which burneth continually, yet they say the oyle neither increaseth nor diminisheth. A little distant is the ancient Church of Saint John de Laterane, where he saw him say Masse, which commonly he doth upon some Friday once a moneth. Having saluted Father Parsons, that famous English Jesuite,4 and satisfied himselfe with the rarities of Rome, he went downe the River of Tiber to Civita Vechia, where he embarked himselfe to satisfie his eye with the faire Citie of Naples, and her Kingdomes nobilitie; returning by Capua, Rome and Seana,5 he passed by that admired Citie of Florence, the Cities and Countries of Bolonia, Ferrara, Mantua, Padua and Venice, whose Gulfe he passed from Malamoco and the Adriatike Sea for Ragouza, spending some time to see that barren broken coast of Albania and Dalmatia, to Capo de Istria, travelling the maine of poore Slavonia by Lubbiano, till he came to Grates in Steria, the Seat of Ferdinando Arch-duke of Austria, now Emperour of Almania:6 where he met an English man, and an Irish Jesuite,7 who acquainted him with many brave Gentlemen of good qualitie, especially with the Lord Ebersbaught, with whom trying such conclusions, as he projected to undertake, preferred him to Baron Kisell, Generall of the Artillery, and he to a worthy Collonell, the Earle of Meldritch, with whom going to Vienne in Austria, under whose Regiment, in what service, and how he spent his time, this ensuing Discourse will declare. The Popes holy Staires brought from Jerusalem, whereon (they say) Christ went up to Pontius Pilate.

AFTER the losse of Caniza,2 the Turkes with twentie thousand besieged the strong Towne of Olumpagh so straightly, as they were cut off from all intelligence and hope of succour; till John Smith, this English Gentleman, acquainted Baron Kisell, Generall of the Arch-dukes Artillery, he had taught the Governour, his worthy friend, such a Rule,3 that he would undertake to make him know any thing he intended, and have his answer, would they bring him but to some place where he might make the flame of a Torch seene to the Towne; Kisell inflamed with this strange invention; Smith made it so plaine, that forthwith hee gave him guides, who in the darke night brought him to a mountaine, where he shewed three Torches equidistant from other, which plainly appearing to the Towne, the Governour presently apprehended, and answered againe with three other fires in like manner; each knowing the others being and intent; Smith, though distant seven miles,4 signified to him these words: On Thursday at night I will charge on the East, at the ∥ Alarum, salley you; Ebersbaught answered he would, and thus it was done: First he writ his message as briefe, you see, as could be, then divided the Alphabet in two parts thus;5 The siege of Olumpagh.

• A. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. k. l.
• 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1.
• m. n. o. p. q. r. s. t. v. w. x. y. z.
• 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 2.

The first part from A. to L. is signified by shewing and hiding one linke, so oft as there is letters from A. to that letter you meane; the other part from M. to Z. is mentioned by two lights in like manner. The end of a word is signified by shewing of three lights, ever staying your light at that letter you meane, till the other may write it in a paper, and answer by his signall, which is one light, it is done, beginning to count the letters by the lights, every time from A. to M. by this meanes also the other returned his answer, whereby each did understand other. The Guides all this time having well viewed the Campe, returned to Kisell, who, doubting of his power being but ten thousand,6 was animated by the Guides, how the Turkes were so divided by the River7 in two parts, they could not easily second each other. To which Smith added this conclusion; that two or three thousand pieces of match fastened to divers small lines of an hundred fathome in length being armed with powder, might all be fired and stretched at an instant before the Alarum, upon the Plaine of Hysnaburg,8 supported by two staves, at each lines end, in that manner would seeme like so many Musketteers; which was put in practice; and being discovered by the Turkes, they prepared to encounter these false fires, thinking there had beene some great Armie: whilest Kisell with his ten thousand being entred the Turks quarter, who ranne up and downe as men amazed. It was not long ereEbersbaught was pell-mell1 with them in their Trenches; in which distracted confusion, a third part of the Turkes, that besieged that side towards Knousbruck, were slaine; many of the rest drowned,2 but all fled. The other part of the Armie was so busied to resist the false fires, that Kisell before the morning put two thousand good souldiers in the Towne, and with small losse was retired; the Garrison was well releeved with that they found in the Turkes quarter, which caused the Turkes to raise their siege and returne to Caniza: and Kisell with much honour was received at Kerment,3 and occasioned the Author a good reward and preferment, to be Captaine of two hundred and fiftie Horse-men, under the Conduct of Colonell Voldo, Earle of Meldritch.4 An excellent Stratagem. Another Stratagem.

A GENERALL rumour of a generall peace, now spred it selfe over all the face of those tormented Countries: but the Turke intended no such matter, but levied souldiers from all parts he could. The Emperour also, by the assistance of the Christian Princes, provided three Armies, the one led by the Arch-duke Mathias, the Emperours brother, and his Lieutenant Duke Mercury7 to defend Low Hungary, the second, by Ferdinando the Arch-duke of Steria, and the Duke of Mantua his Lieutenant to regaine Caniza; the third by Gonzago,8 Governour of High Hungary, to joyne with Georgio Busca,1 to make an absolute conquest of Transilvania.

Duke Mercury with an Armie of thirtie thousand,2 whereof neere ten thousand were French, besieged Stowlle-wesenburg, otherwise called Alba Regalis, a place so strong by Art and Nature, that it was thought impregnable. At his first comming, the Turkes sallied upon the Germane quarter, slew neere five hundred, and returned before they were thought on. The next night in like manner they did neere as much to the Bemers,3 and Hungarians; of which fortune still presuming, thinking to have found the French quarter as carelesse, eight or nine hundred of them were cut in pieces and taken prisoners. In this encounter Monsieur Grandvile, a brave French Colonell,4 received seven or eight cruell wounds, yet followed the Enemie to the Ports; he came off alive, but within three or foure dayes died. The siege of Alba Regalis.

Earle Meldritch, by the information of three or foure Christians, (escaped out of the Towne) upon every Alarum, where there was greatest assemblies and throng of people, caused Captaine Smith to put in practice his fiery Dragons,5 hee had demonstrated unto him, and the Earle Von Sulch at Comora,6 which hee thus performed: Having prepared fortie or fiftie round-bellied earthen pots, and filled them with hand Gunpowder, then covered them with Pitch, mingled with Brimstone and Turpentine; and quartering as many Musket-bullets, that hung together but only at the Center of the division, stucke them round in the mixture about the pots, and covered them againe with the same mixture, over that a strong Sear-cloth, then over all a good thicknesse of Towze-match well tempered with oyle of Lin-seed, Campheer, and powder of Brimstone, these he fitly placed in Slings, graduated so neere as they could to the places of these Assemblies. At midnight upon the Alarum, it was a fearfull sight to see the short flaming course of their flight in the aire, but presently after their fall, the lamentable noise of the miserable slaughtered Turkes was most wonderfull to heare: Besides, they had fired that Suburbe at the Port of Buda7 in two or three places, which so troubled the Turkes to quench, that had there beene any meanes to have assaulted ∥ them, they could hardly have resisted the fire, and their enemies. The Earle Rosworme,8 contrary to the opinion of all men, would needs undertake to finde meanes to surprize the Segeth and Suburbe of the Citie, strongly defended by a muddie Lake, which was thought unpassable. The effect of good fire-works.

The Duke having planted his Ordnance, battered the other side, whilest Rosworme, in the darke night, with every man a bundle of sedge and bavins still throwne before them, so laded up the Lake, as they surprized that unregarded Suburbe before they were discovered: upon which unexpected Alarum, the Turkes fled into the Citie, and the other Suburbe not knowing the matter, got into the Citie also, leaving their Suburbe for the Duke, who, with no great resistance, tooke it, with many peeces of Ordnance; the Citie, being of no such strength as the Suburbs, with their owne Ordnance was so battered, that it was taken perforce, with such a mercilesse execution, as was most pitifull to behold. The Bashaw9 notwithstanding drew together a partie of five hundred before his owne Pallace, where he intended to die; but seeing most of his men slaine before him, by the valiant Captaine Earle Meldritch, who tooke him prisoner with his owne hands; and with the hazard of himselfe saved him from the fury of other troopes, that did pull downe his Pallace, and would have rent him in peeces, had he not beene thus preserved. The Duke thought his victory much honoured with such a Prisoner; tooke order hee should bee used like a Prince, and with all expedition gave charge presently to repaire the breaches, and the ruines of this famous Citie, that had beene in the possession of the Turkes neere threescore yeares.1 A worthy exploit of Earle Rosworme. Earle Meldritch takes the Bashaw prisoner.

MAHOMET, the great Turke, during the siege, had raised an Armie of sixtie thousand men to have releeved it; but hearing it was lost, he sent Assan Bashaw,2 Generall of his Armie, the Bashaw of Buda, Bashaw Amaroz, to see if it were possible to regaine it; The Duke understanding there could be no great experience in such a new levied Armie as Assan had; having put a strong Garrison into it: and with the brave Colonell Rosworme, Culnits, Meldritch, the Rhine-Grave, Vahan and many others; with twenty thousand good souldiers, set forward to meet the Turke in the Plaines of Girke.3 Those two Armies encountred as they marched, where began a hot and bloudy Skirmish betwixt them, Regiment against Regiment, as they came in order, till the night parted them: Here Earle Meldritch was so invironed amongst those halfe circuler Regiments of Turkes, they supposed him their Prisoner, and his Regiment lost; but his two most couragious friends, Vahan and Culnits, ∥ made such a passage amongst them, that it was a terror to see how horse and man lay sprawling and tumbling, some one way, some another on the ground. The Earle there at that time made his valour shine more bright than his armour, which seemed then painted with Turkish bloud, he slew the brave Zanzack4 Bugola, and made his passage to his friends, but neere halfe his Regiment was slaine. Captain Smith had his horse slaine under him, and himselfe sore wounded; but he was not long unmounted, for there was choice enough of horses, that wanted masters. The Turke thinking the victory sure against the Duke, whose Armie, by the Siege and the Garrison, he had left behind him, was much weakned, would not be content with one, but he would have all; and lest the Duke should returne to Alba Regalis, he sent that night twenty thousand to besiege the Citie, assuring them he would keepe the Duke or any other from releeving them. Two or three dayes they lay each by other, entrenching themselves; the Turkes daring the Duke daily to a sett battell, who at length drew out his Army, led by the Rhine-Grave, Culnits and Meldritch, who upon their first encounter, charged with that resolute and valiant courage, as disordered not only the formost squadrons of the Turkes, but enforced all the whole Armie to retire to the Campe, with the losse of five or six thousand, with the Bashaw of Buda, and foure or five Zanzacks, with divers other great Commanders, two hundred Prisoners, and nine peeces of Ordnance.5 At that instant appeared, as it were, another Armie comming out of a valley over a plaine hill, that caused the Duke at that time to be contented, and to retire to his Trenches; which gave time to Assan to reorder his disordered squadrons: Here they lay nine or ten dayes, and more supplies repaired to them, expecting to try the event in a sett battell; but the souldiers on both parties, by reason of their great wants and approach of winter, grew so discontented, that they were ready of themselves to breake up the Leager; the Bashaw retiring himselfe to Buda, had some of the Reare Troopes cut off. Amaroz Bashaw hearing of this, found such bad welcome at Alba Regalis, and the Towne so strongly repaired, with so brave a Garrison, raised his siege, and retired to Zigetum.6 A brave encounter of the Turkes Armie with the Christians. Duke Mercury overthroweth Assan Bassa.

The Duke7 understanding that the Arch-duke Ferdinando had so resolutely besieged Caniza, as what by the losse of Alba Regalis, and the Turks retreat to Buda, being void of hope of any reliefe, doubted not but it would become againe the Christians. To the furtherance whereof, the Duke divided his Armie into three parts. The Earle of Rosworme went with seven thousand to Caniza; the Earle of Meldritch with six thousand he sent to assist Georgio Busca against the Transilvanians, the rest went with himselfe to the Garrisons of Strigonium8 and Komara; having thus worthily behaved himselfe, he arrived at Vienne; where the Arch-dukes and the Nobilitie with as much honour received him, as if he had conquered all Hungaria; his very Picture they esteemed would make them fortunate, which thousands kept as curiously as a precious relique. To requite this honour, preparing himselfe to returne into France, to raise new Forces against the next yeare, with the two Arch-dukes, Mathias and Maximilian, and divers others of the Nobilitie, was with great magnificence ∥ conducted to Nurenburg, there by them royally feasted; (how it chanced is not knowne;) but the next morning he was found dead, and his brother in law died two dayes after; whose hearts, after this great triumph, with much sorrow were carried into France. Duke Mercury divideth his Armie. Duke Mercury and his brother in law die suddenly.

THE worthy Lord Rosworme had not a worse journey to the miserable Seige of Caniza, (where by the extremitie of an extraordinary continuing tempest of haile, wind, frost and snow, in so much that the Christians were forced to leave their Tents and Artillery, and what they had; it being so cold that three or foure hundred of them were frozen to death in a night, and two or three thousand lost in that miserable flight in the snowie tempest, though they did know no enemie at all to follow them:) than the noble Earle of Meldritch had to Transilvania, where hearing of the death of Michael9 and the brave Duke Mercury, and knowing the policie of Busca, and the Prince his Roialtie, being now beyond all beleefe of men, in possession of the best part of Transilvania, perswaded his troopes, in so honest a cause, to assist the Prince against the Turke, rather than Busca against the Prince. The unhappie siege of Caniza.

The souldiers1 being worne out with those hard payes and travells, upon hope to have free libertie to make bootie upon what they could get possession of from the Turkes, was easily perswaded to follow him whithersoever. Now this noble Earle was a Transilvanian borne, and his fathers Countrey yet inhabited by the Turkes; for Transilvania was yet in three divisions, though the Prince had the hearts both of Country and people; yet the Frontiers had a Garrison amongst the unpassable mountaines, some for the Emperour, some for the Prince, and some for the Turke: to regaine which small estate, hee desired leave of the Prince to trie his fortunes, and to make use of that experience, the time of twentie yeares had taught him in the Emperours service, promising to spend the rest of his dayes for his countries defence in his Excellencies service. The Prince glad of so brave a Commander, and so many expert and ancient souldiers, made him Campe-master of his Armie, gave him all necessary releefe for his troopes and what freedome they desired to plunder the Turkes. Earle Meldritch serveth Prince Sigismundus.

The Earle2 having made many incursions into the Land of Zarkam among those rockie mountains, where were some Turks, some Tartars, but most Bandittoes, Rennegadoes, and such like, which sometimes hee forced into the Plaines of Regall, where is a Citie not only of men and fortifications, strong of it selfe, but so environed with mountaines, that made the passages so difficult, that in all these warres no attempt had beene made upon it to any purpose: Having satisfied himselfe with the Situa- ∥ tion, and the most convenient passages to bring his Armie unto it: The earth no sooner put on her greene habit, than the Earle overspread her with his armed troopes. To possesse himselfe first of the most convenient passage, which was a narrow valley betwixt two high mountaines; he sent Colonell Veltus3 with his Regiment, dispersed in companies to lye in Ambuscado, as he had directed them, and in the morning to drive all the cattell they could finde before a Fort in that passage, whom he supposed would sally, seeing but some small partie, to recover their prey; which tooke such good successe, that the Garrison was cut off by the Ambuscado, and Veltus seized on the Skonces,4 which was abandoned. Meldritch glad of so fortunate a beginning, it was six dayes erehe could with six thousand Pioners make passage for his Ordnance: The Turkes having such warning, strengthned the Towne so with men and provision, that they made a scorne of so small a number as Meldritch brought with him before the Citie, which was but eight thousand. Before they had pitched their Tents, the Turkes sallied in such abundance, as for an houre they had rather a bloudy battell than a skirmish, but with the losse of neere fifteene hundred on both sides.5 The Turkes were chased till the Cities Ordnance caused the Earle to retire. The next day Zachel Moyses,6 Generall of the Armie, pitched also his tents with nine thousand foot7 and horse, and six and twenty peeces of Ordnance; but in regard of the situation of this strong Fortresse, they did neither feare8 them nor hurt them, being upon the point of a faire promontory, environed on the one side within halfe a mile with an un-usefull mountaine, and on the other side with a faire Plaine, where the Christians encamped, but so commanded by their Ordnance, they spent neere a month in entrenching themselves, and raising their mounts to plant their batteries; which slow proceedings the Turkes oft derided, that their Ordnance were at pawne,9 and how they grew fat for want of exercise, and fearing lest they should depart erethey could assault their Citie, sent this Challenge to any Captaine in the Armie. Earle Meldritch maketh incursions to discover Regall. [12] Moyses besiegeth Regall.

That to delight the Ladies, who did long to see some court-like pastime, the Lord Turbashaw1 did defie any Captaine, that had the command of a Company, who durst combate with him for his head: The matter being discussed, it was accepted, but so many questions grew for the undertaking, it was decided by lots, which fell upon Captaine Smith, before spoken of.2

Truce being made for that time, the Rampiers all beset with faire Dames, and men in Armes, the Christians in Battalio;3 Turbashaw with a noise of Howboyes4 entred the field well mounted and armed; on his shoulders were fixed a paire of great wings, compacted of Eagles feathers within a ridge of silver, richly garnished with gold and precious stones, a Janizary5 before him, bearing his Lance, on each side another leading his horse; where long hee stayed not, ere Smith with a noise of Trumpets, only a Page bearing his Lance, passing by him with a courteous salute, tooke his ground with such good successe, that at the sound of the charge, he passed the Turke thorow the sight of his Beaver,6 face, head and all, that he fell dead to the ground, where alighting and unbra- ∥ cing his Helmet, cut off his head, and the Turkes tooke his body; and so returned without any hurt at all. The head hee presented to the Lord Moses, the Generall, who kindly accepted it, and with joy to the whole armie he was generally welcomed. Three single Combates. 1

The death of this Captaine so swelled in the heart of one Grualgo,7 his vowed friend, as rather inraged with madnesse than choller, he directed a particular challenge to the Conquerour, to regaine his friends head, or lose his owne, with his horse and Armour for advantage, which according to his desire, was the next day undertaken: as before upon the sound of the Trumpets, their Lances flew in peeces upon a cleare passage,8 but the Turke was neere unhorsed. Their Pistolls was the next, which marked Smith upon the placard;9 but the next shot the Turke was so wounded in the left arme, that being not able to rule his horse, and defend himselfe, he was throwne to the ground, and so bruised with the fall, that he lost his head, as his friend before him; with his horse and Armour; but his body and his rich apparell was sent backe to the Towne. 2

Every day the Turkes made some sallies, but few skirmishes would they endure to any purpose. Our workes and approaches being not yet advanced to that height and effect which was of necessitie to be performed; to delude time, Smith with so many incontradictable perswading reasons, obtained leave that the Ladies might know he was not so much enamoured of their servants heads, but if any Turke of their ranke would come to the place of combate to redeeme them, should have his also upon the like conditions, if he could winne it.1

The challenge presently was accepted by Bonny Mulgro. The next day both the Champions entring the field as before, each discharging their Pistoll, having no Lances, but such martiall weapons as the defendant appointed, no hurt was done; their Battle-axes was the next, whose piercing bils2 made sometime the one, sometime the other to have scarce sense to keepe their saddles, specially the Christian received such a blow that he lost his Battle-axe, and failed not much to have fallen after it, wherat the supposing conquering Turk, had a great shout from the Rampiers. The Turk prosecuted his advantage to the uttermost of his power; yet the other, what by the readinesse of his horse, and his judgement and dexterity in such a businesse, beyond all mens expectation, by Gods assistance, not onely avoided the Turkes violence, but having drawne his Faulchion, pierced the Turke so under the Culets3 thorowbacke and body, that although he alighted from his horse, he stood not long erehee lost his head, as the rest had done 3

THIS good successe gave such great encouragement to the whole Armie, that with a guard of six thousand, three spare horses, before each a Turkes head upon a Lance, he was conducted to the Generalls Pavillion with his Presents. Moyses received both him and them with as much respect as the occasion deserved, embracing him in his armes; gave him a faire Horse richly furnished, a Semitere4 and belt worth three hundred ducats; and Meldritch made him Sergeant major5 of his Regiment. But now to the siege, having mounted six and twenty peeces of Ordnance fifty or sixty foot above the Plaine, made them so plainly tell his meaning, that within fifteene dayes two breaches were made, which the Turkes as valiantly defended as men could; that day was made a darksome night, but by the light that proceeded from the murdering Muskets, and peace-making Canon, whilest their slothfull Governour lay in a Castle on the top of a high mountaine, and like a valiant Prince asketh what's the matter, when horrour and death stood amazed each at other, to see who should prevaile to make him victorious: Moyses commanding a generall assault upon the sloping front of the high Promontory, where the Barons of Budendorfe and Oberwin lost neere halfe their Regiments, by logs, bags of powder, and such like, tumbling downe the hill, they were to mount erethey could come to the breach; notwithstanding with an incredible courage they advanced to the push of the Pike with the defendants, that with the like courage repulsed, till the Earle Meldritch, Becklefield and Zarvana, with their fresh Regiments seconded them with that fury, that the Turks retired and fled into the Castle, from whence by a flag of truce they desired composition.6 The Earle remembring his fathers death,7 battered it with all the Ordnance in the Towne, and the next day tooke it; all he found could beare Armes he put to the sword, and set their heads upon stakes round about the walles, in the same manner they had used the Christians, when they tooke it. Moyses having repaired the Rampiers, and throwne downe the worke in his Campe, he put in it a strong Garrison, though the pillage he had gotten in the Towne was much, having beene for a long time an impregnable den of theeves; yet the losse of the Armie so intermingled the sowre with the sweet, as forced Moyses to seek a further revenge, that he sacked Veratio, Solmos, and Kupronka, and with two thousand prisoners, most women and children, came to Esenberg, not farre from the Princes Palace, where he there Encamped.8 Regall assaulted and taken.

Sigismundus comming to view his Armie, was presented with the Pri- ∥ soners, and six and thirtie Ensignes; where celebrating thankes to Almightie God in triumph of those victories, hee was made acquainted with the service Smith had done at Olumpagh, Stowle-Wesenburg and Regall, for which with great honour hee gave him three Turkes heads in a Shield for his Armes, by Patent, under his hand and Seale, with an Oath ever to weare them in his Colours, his Picture in Gould, and three hundred Ducats,9 yearely for a Pension.

SIGISMUNDUS BATHORI, Dei gratia Dux Transilvaniæ, Wallachiæ, et Vandalorum; Comes Anchard, Salford, Growenda; Cunctis his literis significamus qui eas lecturi aut audituri sunt concessam licentiam aut facultatem Iohanni Smith, natione Anglo Generoso, 250. mili- tum Capitaneo sub Illustrissimi et Gravissimi Henrici Volda,2 Comitis de Meldri, Salmariæ, et Peldoiæ3 primario, ex 1000. equitibus et 1500. peditibus bello Ungarico conductione in Provincias suprascriptas sub Authoritate nostra: cui servituti omni laude perpetuaque, memoria dignum præbuit sese erga nos, ut virum strenuum pugnantem pro aris et focis decet. Quare è favore nostro militario ipsum ordine condonavimus, et in Sigillum illius tria Turcica Capita designare et deprimer concessimus, quæ ipse gladio suo ad Urbem Regalem in singulari prælio vicit, mactavit, atque; decollavit in Transilvaniæ Provincia: Sed fortuna cum variabilis ancepsque; sit idem forte fortuito in Wallachia Provincia Anno Domini 1602. die Mensis Novembris 18.4 cum multis aliis etiam Nobilibus et aliis quibusdam militibus captus est à Domino Bascha electo ex Cambia regionis Tartariæ, cujus severitate adductus salutem quantam potuit quæsivit, tantumque effecit, Deo omnipotente adjuvante, ut deliberavit se, et ad suos Commilitones revertit; ex quibus ipsum liberavimus, et hæcnobis testimonia habuit ut majori licentia frueretur qua dignus esset, jam tendet in patriam suam dulcissiman: Rogamus ergo omnes nostros charissimos, confinitimos, Duces, Principes, Comites, Barones, Gubernatores ∥ Urbium et Navium in eadem Regione et cæterarum Provinciarum in quibus ille residere conatus fuerit ut idem permittatur Capitaneus libere sine obstaculo omni versari. Hæc facientes pergraium nobis feceritis. Signatum Lesprizia in Misnia die Mensis Decembris 9. Anno Domini 1603. The Patent.1

Cum Privilegio propriæ Majestatis. Sigismundus Bathori.5

UNIVERSIS, et singulis, cujuscunque loci, status, gradus, ordinis, ac conditionis ad quos hoc præsens scriptum pervenerit, Guilielmus Segar Eques auratus aliás dictus Garterus Principalis Rex Armorum Anglicorum, Salutem. Sciatis, quod Ego prædictus Garterus, notum, testatumque facio, quod Patentem suprascriptum,6 cum manu propria prædicti Ducis Transilvaniæ subsignatum, et Sigillo suo affixum, Vidi: et Copiam veram ejusdem (in perpetuam rei memoriam) transcripsi, et recordavi in Archivis, et Registris Officii Armorum. Datum Londini 19. die Augusti, Anno Domini 1625. Annoque Regni Domini nostri Caroli Dei gratia Magnæ Britanniæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ Regis, Fidei Defensoris, etc. Primo.

Guilielmus Segar, Garterus.

Sigismundus Bathor, by the Grace of God, Duke of Transilvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia,7 Earle of Anchard, Salford and Growenda; to whom this Writing may come or appeare. Know that We have given leave and licence to John Smith an English Gentleman, Captaine of 250. Souldiers, under the most Generous and Honourable8 Henry ∥ Volda, Earle of Meldritch, Salmaria, and Peldoia, Colonell of a thousand horse, and fifteene hundred foot, in the warres of Hungary, and in the Provinces aforesaid under our authority; whose service doth deserve all praise and perpetuall memory towards us, as a man that did for God and his Country overcome his enemies: Wherefore out of Our love and favour, according to the law of Armes, We have ordained and given him in his shield of Armes, the figure and description of three Turks heads, which with his sword before the towne of Regall,9 in single combat he did overcome, kill, and cut off, in the Province of Transilvania. But fortune, as she is very variable,1 so it chanced and happened to him in the Province of Wallachia, in the yeare of our Lord, 1602. the 18. day of November, with many others, as well Noble men, as also divers other Souldiers, were taken prisoners by the Lord Bashaw of Cambia, a Country of Tartaria; whose cruelty brought him such good fortune, by the helpe and power of Almighty God, that hee delivered himselfe, and returned againe to his company and fellow souldiers, of whom We doe discharge him, and this hee hathin witnesse thereof, being much more worthy of a better reward; and now intends to returne to his owne sweet Country. We desire therefore all our loving and kinde kinsmen, Dukes, Princes, Earles, Barons, Governours of Townes, Cities, or Ships, in this Kingdome, or any other Provinces he shall come in, that you freely let passe this the aforesaid Captaine, without any hinderance or molestation, and this doing, with all kindnesse we are alwayes ready to doe the like for you. Sealed at Lipswick in Misenland, the ninth of December, in the yeare of our Lord, 1603.2 The same in English

With the proper privilege of his Majestie. Sigismundus Bathor.

To all and singular, in what place, state, degree, order, or condition whatsoever, to whom this present writing shall come: I, William Segar, Knight, otherwise Garter, and principall King of Armes of England, wish health.3 Know that I the aforesaid Garter, do witnesse and approve, that this aforesaid Patent, I have seene, signed, and sealed, under the proper hand ∥ and Seale Manual of the said Duke of Transilvania, and a true coppy of the same, as a thing for perpetuall memory, I have subscribed4 and recorded in the Register and office of the Heralds of Armes. Dated5 at London the nineteenth day of August, in the yeare of our Lord, 1625. and in the first yeare of our Soveraigne Lord Charles by the grace of God, King of great Britaine, France, and Ireland; Defender of the faith, etc.

William Segar.

BUSCA having all this time beene raising new forces, was commanded from the Emperour againe to invade Transilvania, which being one of the fruitfullest and strongest Countries in those parts, was now rather a desart, or the very spectacle of desolation; their fruits and fields overgrowne with weeds, their Churches and battered Palaces and best buildings, as for feare, hid with Mosse and Ivy; being the very Bulwarke and Rampire of a great part of Europe, most fit by all Christians to have beene supplyed and maintained, was thus brought to ruine by them it most concerned to support it. But alas, what is it, when the power of Majestie pampered in all delights of pleasant vanity, neither knowing nor considering the labour of the Ploughman, the hazard of the Merchant, the oppression of Statesmen; nor feeling the piercing torments of broken limbes, and inveterated7 wounds, the toilsome marches, the bad lodging, the hungry diet, and the extreme misery that Souldiers endure to secure all those estates, and yet by the spight of malicious detraction, starves for want of their reward and recompences; whilest the politique Courtier, that commonly aimes more at his owne honors and ends, than his Countries good, or his Princes glory, honour, or security, as this worthy Prince too well could testifie. But the Emperor being certified8 how weak and desperate his estate was, sent Busca againe with a great Army, to trie his fortune once more in Transilvania. The Prince considering how his Country and subjects were consumed, the small means he had any longer to defend his estate, both against the cruelty of the Turke, and the power of the Emperor, and the small care the Polanders1 had in supplying him, as they had promised, sent to Busca to have truce, till messengers might be sent to the Emperour for some better agreement, wherewith Busca was contented. The Ambassadours so prevailed, that the Emperour re-assured unto them the conditions he had promised the Prince at their confederacie for the lands in Silesia, with 60000. ducats presently in hand, and 50000. ducats yearely as a pension.2 When this conclusion was ∥ knowne to Moyses, his Lieftenant then in the field with the Army, that would doe any thing rather than come in subjection to the Germans, he encouraged his Souldiers, and without any more adoe marched to encounter Busca, whom he found much better provided than he expected; so that betwixt them in six or seven houres, more than five or six thousand3 on both sides lay dead in the field. Moyses thus overthrowne, fled to the Turks at Temesware,4 and his scattered troopes some one way, some another. Busca in Transilvania overthroweth Moyses.

The Prince understanding of this so sudden and unexpected accident, onely accompanied with an hundred of his Gentry and Nobility, went into the campe to Busca, to let him know, how ignorant he was of his Lieftenants errour, that had done it without his direction or knowledge, freely offering to performe what was concluded by his Ambassadours with the Emperour; and so causing all his Garrisons to come out of their strong holds, he delivered all to Busca for the Emperour, and so went to Prague, where he was honourably received, and established in his possessions, as his Emperiall Majestie had promised. Busca assembling all the Nobility, tooke their oaths of allegeance and fidelity, and thus their Prince being gone, Transilvania became againe subject to the Emperour. Sigismundus yeeldeth his country to Busca.

Now after the death of Michael, Vavoyd5 of Wallachia, the Turke sent one Jeremie to be their Vavoyd or Prince; whose insulting tyranny caused the people to take Armes against him, so that he was forced to flie into the confines of Moldavia; and Busca in the behalfe of the Emperour, proclaimed the Lord Rodoll6 in his stead. But Jeremy having assembled an Army of forty thousand Turks, Tartars, and Moldavians, returned into Wallachia. Rodoll not yet able to raise such a power, fled into Transilvania to Busca, his ancient friend; who considering well of the matter, and how good it would be for his owne security to have Wallachia subject to the Emperour, or at least such an employment for the remainders of the old Regiments of Sigismundus, (of whose greatnesse7 and true affection hee was very suspitious,) sent them with Rodoll to recover Wallachia, conducted by the valiant Captaines, the Earle Meldritch, Earle Veltus, Earle Nederspolt, Earle Zarvana, the Lord Bechlefield, the Lord Budendorfe,8 with their Regiments, and divers others of great ranke and quality, the greatest friends and alliances the Prince had; who with thirty thousand, marched along by the river Altus, to the streights of Rebrinke,9 where they entred Wallachia, encamping at Raza; Jeremie lying at Argish,1 drew his Army into his old campe, in the plaines of Peteske,2 and with his best diligence fortified it, intending to defend himselfe till more power came to him from the Crym-Tartar.3 Many small parties that came to his campe, Rodoll cut off, and in the nights would cause their heads to be throwne up and downe before the trenches. Seven of their Porters4 were taken, whom Jeremie commanded to be flayed quicke, and after hung their skinnes upon poles, and their carkasses and heads on stakes by them. Busca assisteth Rodoll in Wallachia.

RODOLL not knowing how to draw the enemie to battell, raised his Armie, burning and spoyling all where he came, and returned againe towards Rebrinke in the night, as if he had fled upon the generall rumour of the Crym-Tartars comming, which so inflamed the Turkes of a happy victory, they urged Jeremy against his will to follow them. Rodoll seeing his plot fell out as he desired, so ordered the matter, that having regained the streights, he put his Army in order, that had beene neere two dayes pursued, with continuall skirmishes in his Reare, which now making head against the twixt Rodoll enemie, that followed with their whole Armie in the best manner they could, was furiously charged with six thousand Hydukes,6 Wallachians, and Moldavians, led by three Colonells, Oversall, Dubras, and Calab, to entertaine the time till the rest came up; Veltus and Nederspolt with their Regiments, entertained them with the like courage, till the Zanzacke Hamesbeg, with six thousand more, came with a fresh charge, which Meldritch and Budendorfe, rather like enraged lions, than men, so bravely encountred, as if in them only had consisted the victory; Meldritchs horse being slaine under him, the Turks pressed what they could to have taken him prisoner, but being remounted, it was thought with his owne hand he slew the valiant Zanzacke, whereupon his troopes retyring, the two proud Bashawes, Aladin, and Zizimmus, brought up the front of the body of their battell. Veltus and Nederspolt having breathed, and joyning their troopes with Becklefield and Zarvana, with such an incredible courage charged the left flancke of Zizimmus, as put them all in disorder, where Zizimmus the Bashaw was taken prisoner, but died presently upon his wounds. Jeremie seeing now the maine battell of Rodoll advance, being thus constrained, like a valiant Prince in his front of the Vantgard, by his example so bravely encouraged his souldiers, that Rodoll found no great assurance of the victorie. Thus being joyned in this bloudy massacre, that there was scarce ground to stand upon, but upon the dead carkasses, which in lesse than an hower were so mingled, as if each Regiment had singled out other. The admired Aladin that day did leave behinde him a glorious name for his valour, whose death many of his enemies did lament after the victory, which at that instant fell to Rodoll. It was reported Jeremie was also slaine, but it was not so, but fled with the remainder of his Armie to Moldavia, leaving five and twenty thousand dead in the field, of both Armies. And thus Rodoll was seated againe in his Soveraignty, and Wallachia became subject to the Emperour. A battell beand Jeremie.

But long he rested not to settle his new estate, but there came newes, that certaine Regiments of stragling Tartars,7 were forraging those parts towards Moldavia. Meldritch with thirteene thousand men was sent against them, but when they heard it was the Crym-Tartar and his two ∥ sonnes,8 with an Armie of thirty thousand; and Jeremie, that had escaped with fourteene or fifteene thousand, lay in ambush for them about Langanaw,9 he retired towards Rottenton, a strong garrison for Rodoll; but they were so invironed with these hellish numbers, they could make no great haste for skirmishing with their scouts, forragers, and small parties that still encountred them. But one night amongst the rest, having made a passage through a wood, with an incredible expedition,1 cutting trees thwart each other to hinder their passage, in a thicke fogge early in the morning, unexpectedly they met two thousand loaded with pillage, and two or three hundred horse and cattell; the most of them were slaine and taken prisoners, who told them where Jeremie lay in the passage, expecting the Crym-Tartar that was not farre from him. Meldritch intending to make his passage perforce, was advised of a pretty stratagem by the English Smith, which presently he thus accomplished; for having accommodated two or three hundred truncks2 with wilde fire, upon the heads of lances, and charging the enemie in the night, gave fire to the truncks, which blazed forth such flames and sparkles, that it so amazed not onely their horses, but their foot also; that by the meanes of this flaming encounter, their owne horses turned tailes with such fury, as by their violence overthrew Jeremy and his Army, without any losse at all to speake of to Meldritch. But of this victory long they triumphed not; for being within three leagues3 of Rottenton, the Tartar with neere forty thousand so beset them, that they must either fight, or be cut in peeces flying. Here Busca and the Emperour had their desire; for the Sunne no sooner displayed his beames, than the Tartar his colours; where at midday he stayed a while, to see the passage of a tyrannicall and treacherous imposture, till the earth did blush with the bloud of honesty, that the Sunne for shame did hide himselfe, from so monstrous sight of a cowardly calamity. It was a most brave sight to see the banners and ensignes streaming in the aire, the glittering of Armour, the variety of colours, the motion of plumes, the forrests of lances, and the thicknesse of shorter weapons, till the silent expedition of the bloudy blast from the murdering Ordnance,4 whose roaring voice is not so soone heard, as felt by the aymed at object, which made among them a most lamentable slaughter. Wallachia subjected to the Emperour.

IN the valley of Veristhorne,5 betwixt the river of Altus, and the mountaine of Rottenton, was this bloudy encounter, where the most of the dearest friends of the noble Prince Sigismundus perished. Meldritch having ordered his eleven thousand in the best manner he could, at the foot of the mountaine upon his flancks, and before his front, he had pit- ∥ ched sharpe stakes, their heads hardned in the fire, and bent against the enemie, as three battalion of Pikes, amongst the which also there was digged many small holes. Amongst those stakes was ranged his footmen, that upon the charge was to retire, as there was occasion. The Tartar having ordered his 40000. for his best advantage, appointed Mustapha Bashaw to beginne the battell, with a generall shout, all their Ensignes displaying, Drummes beating, Trumpets and Howboyes sounding. Nederspolt and Mavazo with their Regiments of horse most valiantly encountred, and forced them to retire; the Tartar Begolgi with his Squadrons, darkening the skies with their flights of numberles arrowes, who was as bravely encountred by Veltus and Oberwin, which bloudie slaughter continued more than an houre, till the matchlesse multitude of the Tartars so increased, that they retired within their Squadrons of stakes, as was directed. The bloudy Tartar, as scorning he should stay so long for the victorie, with his massie troopes prosecuted the charge: but it was a wonder to see how horse and man came to the ground among the stakes, whose disordered troopes were there so mangled, that the Christians with a loud shout cryed Victoria; and with five or six field peeces, planted upon the rising of the mountaine, did much hurt to the enemy that still continued the battell with that furie, that Meldritch seeing there was no possibilitie long to prevaile, joyned his small troopes in one body, resolved directly to make his passage or die in the conclusion;6 and thus in grosse gave a generall charge, and for more than halfe an houre made his way plaine before him, till the maine battel of the Crym-Tartar with two Regiments of Turkes and Janizaries so overmatched them, that they were overthrowen. The night approaching, the Earle with some thirteene or fourteene hundred horse, swamme the River, some were drowned, all the rest slaine or taken prisoners: And thus in this bloudy field, neere 30000. lay, some headlesse, armelesse and leglesse, all cut and mangled; where breathing their last, they gave this knowledge to the world, that for the lives of so few, the Crym-Tartar never paid dearer. But now the Countreyes of Transilvania and Wallachia, (subjected to the Emperour) and Sigismundus that brave Prince his Subject and Pensioner, the most of his Nobilitie, brave Captaines and Souldiers, became a prey to the cruell devouring Turke: where had the Emperor been as ready to have assisted him, and those three Armies led by three such worthy Captaines, as Michael, Busca, and Himselfe, and had those three Armies joyned together against the Turke, let all men judge, how happie it might have beene for all Christendome: and have either regained Bulgaria, or at least have beat him out of Hungaria, where hee hathtaken much more from the Emperour, than haththe Emperour from Transilvania. The battell of Rottenton. Extracted out of a Booke intituled, The warres of Hungaria, Wallachia, and Moldavia, written by Francisco Ferneza, a learned Italian, the Princes Secretarie, and translated by Master Purchas.7

In this dismal battell, where Nederspolt, Veltus, Zarvana, Mavazo, Bavell, and many other Earles, Barons, Colonels, Captaines, brave Gentlemen, and Souldiers were slaine. Give mee leave to remember the names of our owne Country-men with him in those exploits, that as resolutely as the best in the defence of Christ and his Gospell, ended their dayes, as Baskerfield, Hardwicke, Thomas Milemer, Robert Mullineux, ∥ Thomas Bishop, Francis Compton, George Davison, Nicholas Williams, and one John a Scot, did what men could doe, and when they could doe no more, left there their bodies in testimonie of their mindes; only Ensigne Carleton and Sergeant Robinson8 escaped: but Smith among the slaughtered dead bodies, and many a gasping soule, with toile and wounds lay groaning among the rest, till being found by the Pillagers hee was able to live, and perceiving by his armor and habit, his ransome might be better to them, than his death, they led him prisoner with many others; well they used him till his wounds were cured, and at Axopolis9 they were all sold for slaves, like beasts in a market-place, where everie Merchant, viewing their limbs and wounds, caused other slaves to struggle with them, to trie their strength, hee fell to the share of Bashaw Bogall, who sent him forthwith to Adrinopolis,1 so for Constantinople to his faire Mistresse for a slave. By twentie and twentie chained by the neckes, they marched in file to this great Citie, where they were delivered to their severall Masters, and he to the young Charatza Tragabigzanda.2 The English men in this Battell.

THIS Noble Gentlewoman tooke sometime occasion to shew him to some friends, or rather to speake with him, because shee could speake Italian, would feigne her selfe sick when she should goe to the Banians, or weepe over the graves,4 to know how Bogall tooke him prisoner; and if he were as the Bashaw writ to her, a Bohemian Lord conquered by his hand, as hee had many others, which erelong hee would present her, whose ransomes should adorne her with the glorie of his conquests.

But when she heard him protest he knew no such matter, nor ever saw Bogall till he bought him at Axopolis, and that hee was an English-man, onely by his adventures made a Captaine in those Countreyes. To trie the truth, shee found meanes to finde out many could speake English, French, Dutch, and Italian, to whom relating most part of these former passages he thought necessarie, which they so honestly reported to her, she tooke (as it seemed) much compassion on him; but having no use for him, lest her mother should sell him, she sent him to her brother, the Tymor Bashaw of Nalbrits, in the Countrey of Cambia, a Province in Tartaria.5

Here now let us remember his passing in this speculative course from Constantinople by Sander, Screwe, Panassa, Musa, Lastilla, to Varna, an ancient Citie upon the Blacke Sea. In all which journey, having little more libertie, than his eyes judgement6 since his captivitie, he might see the Townes with their short Towers, and a most plaine, fertile, and de- ∥ licate Countrey, especially that most admired place of Greece, now called Romania,7 but from Varna, nothing but the Blacke Sea water, till he came to the two Capes of Taur and Pergilos, where hee passed the Straight of Niger,8 which (as he conjectured) is some ten leagues long, and three broad, betwixt two low lands, the Channell is deepe, but at the entrance of the Sea Dissabacca, their are many great Osie-shoulds,9 and many great blacke rockes, which the Turkes said were trees, weeds, and mud, throwen from the in-land Countryes, by the inundations and violence of the Current, and cast there by the Eddy. They sayled by many low Iles, and saw many more of those muddy rockes, and nothing else, but salt water, till they came betwixt Susax and Curuske, only two white townes at the entrance of the river Bruapo appeared: In six or seven dayes saile, he saw foure or five seeming strong castles of stone, with flat tops and battlements about them, but arriving at Cambia, he was (according to their custome) well used. The river was there more than halfe a mile broad. The Castle was of a large circumference, fourteene or fifteene foot thicke, in the foundation some six foot from the wall, is a Pallizado, and then a Ditch of about fortie foot broad full of water. On the west side of it, is a Towne all of low flat houses, which as he conceived could bee of no great strength, yet it keepes all them barbarous Countreyes about it in admiration and subjection. After he had stayed there three dayes; it was two dayes more before his guides brought him to Nalbrits, where the Tymor10 then was resident, in a great vast stonie Castle with many great Courts about it, invironed with high stone wals, where was quartered their Armes, when they first subjected those Countreyes, which only live to labour for those tyrannicall Turkes. How he was sent into Tartaria. The description of the Dissabacca Sea.

To her unkinde brother, this kinde Ladie writ so much for his good usage, that hee halfe suspected, as much as she intended; for shee told him, he should there but sojourne to learne the language, and what it was to be a Turke, till time made her Master of her selfe.11 But the Tymor her brother, diverted all this to the worst of crueltie, for within an houre after his arrivall, he caused his Drub- man1 to strip him naked, and shave his head and beard so bare as his hand, a great ring of iron, with a long stalke bowed like a sickle, rivetted about his necke, and a coat made of Ulgries haire,2 guarded about with a peece of an undrest skinne. There were many more Christian slaves, and neere an hundred Forsades3 of Turkes and Moores, and he being the last, was slave of slaves to them all. Among these slavish fortunes there was no great choice; for the best was so bad, a dog could hardly have lived to endure, and yet for all their paines and labours no more regarded than a beast. Smith his usage in Tartaria.

THE Tymor and his friends fed upon Pillaw, which is boiled Rice and Garnances, with little bits of mutton or Buckones,5 which is rosted ∥ peeces of Horse, Bull, Ulgrie, or any beasts. Samboyses and Muselbits6 are great dainties, and yet but round pies, full of all sorts of flesh they can get chopped with varietie of herbs. Their best drinke is Coffa, of a graine they call Coava, boiled with water; and Sherbecke,7 which is only honey and water; Mares milke, or the milke of any beast, they hold restorative: but all the Comminaltie drinke pure water. Their bread is made of this Coava,8 which is a kinde of blacke wheat, and Cuskus9 a small white seed like Millya in Biskay: but our common victuall, the entrailes of Horse and Ulgries; of this cut in small peeces, they will fill a great Cauldron, and being boiled with Cuskus, and put in great bowles in the forme of chaffing-dishes, they sit round about it on the ground, after they have raked it thorowso oft as they please with their foule fists, the remainder was for the Christian slaves. Some of this broth they would temper with Cuskus pounded, and putting the fire off from the hearth, powre there a bowle full, then cover it with coales till it be baked, which stewed with the remainder of the broth, and some small peeces of flesh, was an extraordinarie daintie. The Tymors diet of Cambia is as the Turkes. The Slaves diet.

The better sort are attired like Turkes,1 but the plaine Tartar hatha blacke sheepe skinne over his backe, and two of the legs tied about his necke; the other two about his middle, with another over his belly, and the legs tied in the like manner behinde him: then two more made like a paire of bases,2 serveth him for breeches; with a little close cap to his skull of blacke felt, and they use exceeding much of this felt, for carpets, for bedding, for Coats, and Idols. Their houses are much worse than your Irish,3 but the In-land Countreyes have none but Carts and Tents, which they ever remove from Countrey to Countrey, as they see occasion, driving with them infinite troopes of blacke sheepe, Cattell and Ulgries, eating all up before them, as they goe. The Attire of those Tartars.

For the Tartars of Nagi, they have neither Towne, nor house, corne, nor drinke; but flesh and milke. The milke they keepe in great skinnes like Burracho's,4 which though it be never so sower, it agreeth well with their strong stomackes. They live all in Hordias,5 as doth the Crim-Tartars, three or foure hundred in a company, in great Carts fifteene or sixteene foot broad, which is covered with small rods, wattled together in the forme of a birds nest turned upwards, and with the ashes of bones tempered with oile, Camels haire, and a clay they have: they lome6 them so well, that no weather will pierce them, and yet verie light. Each Hordia hatha Murse,7 which they obey as their King. Their Gods are infinite. One or two thousand of those glittering white Carts drawen with Camels, Deere, Buls, and Ulgries, they bring round in a ring, where they pitch their Campe; and the Murse, with his chiefe alliances, are placed in the midst. They doe much hurt when they can get any Stroggs,8 which are great boats used upon the river Volga, (which they call Edle)9 to them that dwell in the Countrey of Perolog,1 and would doe much more, were it not for the Muscovites Garrisons that there inhabit. The Tartars of Nagi and their manners.

NOW you are to understand, Tartary and Scythia3 are all one, but so large and spacious, few or none could ever perfectly describe it, nor all the severall kinds of those most barbarous people that inhabit it. Those we call the Crym-Tartars, border upon Moldavia, Podolia, Lituania, and Russia,4 are much more regular than the interior parts of Scythia. This great Tartarian Prince, that hathso troubled all his neighbours, they alwayes call Chan, which signifieth Emperour; but we, the Crym-Tartar. He liveth for most part in the best champion5 plaines of many Provinces; and his removing Court is like a great Citie of houses and tents, drawne on Carts, all so orderly placed East and West, on the right and left hand of the Prince his house, which is alwayes in the midst towards the South, before which none may pitch their houses, every one knowing their order and quarter, as in an Armie. The Princes houses are very artificially wrought, both the foundation, sides, and roofe of wickers, ascending round to the top like a Dove-coat; this they cover with white felt, or white earth tempered with the powder of bones, that it may shine the whiter; sometimes with blacke felt, curiously painted with vines, trees, birds, and beasts; the breadth of the Carts are eighteene or twenty foot, but the house stretcheth foure or five foot over each side, and is drawne with ten or twelve, or for more state, twenty Camels and Oxen. They have also great baskets, made of smaller wickers like great chests, with a covering of the same, all covered over with blacke felt, rubbed over with tallow and sheeps milke, to keepe out the raine; prettily bedecked with painting or feathers; in those they put their houshold stuffe and treasure, drawne upon other carts for that purpose. When they take downe their houses,6 they set the doore alwayes towards the South, and their carts thirtie or fortie foot distant on each side, East and West, as if they were two walls: the women also have most curious carts; every one of his wives hatha great one for herselfe, and so many other for her attendants, that they seeme as many Courts, as he hathwives. One great Tartar or Nobleman, will have for his particular, more than an hundred of those houses and carts, for his severall offices and uses, but set so farre from each other, they will seeme like a great village. Having taken their houses from the carts, they place the Master alwayes towards the North; over whose head is alwayes an Image like a Puppet, made of felt, which they call his brother; the women on his left hand, and over the chiefe Mistris her head, such another brother, and betweene them a little one, which is the keeper of the house; at the good wives beds-feet is a kids skinne, stuffed with wooll, and neere it a Puppet looking towards the Maids; next the doore another, with a dried cowes udder, for the women that milke the kine, because only the men milke mares; every morning those ∥ Images in their orders they besprinkle with that they drinke, bee it Cossmos,7 or whatsoever, but all the white mares milke is reserved for the Prince. Then without the doore, thrice to the South, every one bowing his knee in honour of the fire; then the like to the East, in honour of the aire; then to the West, in honour of the water; and lastly to the North, in behalfe of the dead. After the servant hathdone this duty to the foure quarters of the world, he returnes into the house, where his fellowes stand waiting, ready with two cups and two basons to give their master, and his wife that lay with him that night, to wash and drinke, who must keepe him company all the day following; and all his other wives come thither to drinke, where hee keepes his house that day; and all the gifts presented him till night, are laid up in her chests; and at the doore a bench full of cups, and drinke for any of them to make merry.8 The description of the Crym-Tartars Court. His houses and carts. Baskets. Their idolatrie in their lodgings. Cossmos is Mares milke.

FOR their feasts9 they have all sorts of beasts, birds, fish, fruits, and hearbs they can get, but the more variety of wilde ones is the best; to which they have excellent drinke made of rice, millit, and honey, like wine; they have also wine, but in Summer they drinke most Cossmos, that standeth ready alwayes at the entrance of the doore, and by it a fidler; when the master of the house beginneth to drinke, they all cry, ha, ha, and the fidler playes, then they all clap their hands and dance, the men before their Masters, the women before their Mistresses; and ever when he drinks, they cry as before; then the fidler stayeth till they drinke all round; sometimes they will drinke for the victory; and to provoke one to drinke, they will pull him by the ears, and lugge and draw him, to stretch and heat1 him, clapping their hands, stamping with their feet, and dancing before the champions, offering them cups, then draw them backe againe to increase their appetite; and thus continue till they be drunke, or their drinke done, which they hold an honour, and no infirmity. Their feasts.

Though the ground be fertile,2 they sow little corne, yet the Gentlemen have bread and hony-wine;3 grapes they have plenty, and wine privately, and good flesh and fish; but the common sort stamped millit, mingled with milke and water. They call Cassa4 for meat, and drinke any thing; also any beast unprofitable for service they kill, when they are like to die, or however they die, they will eat them, guts liver and all; but the most fleshy parts they cut in thinne slices, and hang it up in the Sunne and wind without salting, where it will drie so hard, it will not putrifie in a long time. A Ramme they esteeme a great feast among forty or fiftie,5 which they cut in peeces boiled or roast, put it in a great bowle with salt and water, for other sauce they have none; the master of the feast ∥ giveth every one a peece, which he eateth by himselfe, or carrieth away with him. Thus their hard fare6 makes them so infinite in Cattell, and their great number of captived women to breed upon, makes them so populous. But neere the Christian frontiers, the baser sort make little cottages of wood, called Ulusi,7 daubed over with durt, and beasts dung covered with sedge; yet in Summer they leave them, beginning their progresse in Aprill, with their wives, children, and slaves, in their carted houses, scarce convenient for foure or five persons; driving their flocks towards Perecopya, and sometimes into Taurica, or Osow, a towne upon the river Tanais,8 which is great and swift, where the Turke hatha garrison; and in October returne againe to their Cottages. Their Clothes are the skinnes of dogges, goats, and sheepe, lined with cotton cloath, made of their finest wooll, for of their worst they make their felt, which they use in aboundance, as well for shooes and caps, as houses, beds, and Idolls; also of the coarse wooll mingled with horse haire, they make all their cordage. Notwithstanding this wandring life, their Princes sit in great state upon beds, or carpits, and with great reverence are attended both by men and women, and richly served in plate, and great silver cups, delivered upon the knee, attired in rich furres, lined with plush, or taffity, or robes of tissue. These Tartars possesse many large and goodly plaines, wherein feed innumerable herds of horse and cattell, as well wilde as tame; which are Elkes, Bisones, Horses, Deere, Sheepe, Goates, Swine, Beares, and divers others.9 Their common diet. How they become populous. Their Princes state.

In those countries are the ruines of many faire Monasteries, Castles, and Cities, as Bacasaray,1 Salutium, Almassary, Perecopya, Cremum, Sedacom, Capha, and divers others by the Sea, but all kept with strong garrisons for the great Turke, who yearely by trade or trafficke, receiveth the chiefe commodities those fertile countries afford, as Bezer,2 Rice, Furres, Hides, Butter, Salt, Cattell, and Slaves, yet by the spoiles they get from the secure and idle Christians, they maintaine themselves in this Pompe. Also their wives, of whom they have as many as they will, very costly, yet in a constant custome with decency. Ancient buildings. Commodities for tribute to the Turke.

They are Mahometans,3 as are the Turks, from whom also they have their Lawes, but no Lawyers, nor Attournies, onely Judges, and Justices in every Village, or Hordia; but capitall criminalls, or matters of moment, before the Chan himselfe, or Privie Counsells, of whom they are alwayes heard, and speedily discharged; for any may have accesse at any time to them, before whom they appeare with great reverence, adoring their Princes as Gods, and their spirituall Judges as Saints; for Justice is with such integrity and expedition executed, without covetousnesse, bribery, partiality, and brawling, that in six moneths they have sometimes scarce six causes to heare. About the Princes court none but his guard weares any weapon, but abroad they goe very strong, because there are many bandytos, and Theeves. Good lawes, yet no lawyers.

They use the Hungarians, Russians, Wallachians, and Moldavian slaves (whereof they have plenty) as beasts to every worke; and those Tartars that serve the Chan, or noblemen, have only victuall and apparell, the rest are generally nasty, and idle, naturally miserable, and in their warres better theeves than souldiers. Their slaves.

This Chan4 hathyeerely a Donative from the King of Poland, the Dukes of Lituania, Moldavia, and Nagagon Tartars; their Messengers commonly he useth bountifully, and verie nobly, but sometimes most cruelly; when any of them doth bring their Presents, by his houshold Officers they are entertained in a plaine field, with a moderate proportion of flesh, bread and wine, for once; but when they come before him, the Sultaines, Tuians, Ulans, Marhies,5 his chiefe Officers and Councellors attend, one man only bringeth the Ambassadour to the Court gate, but to the Chan he is led betweene two Councellors; where saluting him upon their bended knees, declaring their message, are admitted to eat with him, and presented with a great silver cup full of Mead from his owne hand, but they drinke it upon their knees: when they are dispatched, he invites them againe, the feast ended, they go backe a little from the Palace doore, and rewarded with silke Vestures wrought with gold downe to their anckles, with an horse or two, and sometimes a slave of their owne Nation; in them robes6 presently they come to him againe, to give him thankes, take their leave, and so depart. His entertainment of Ambassadours.

WHEN he intends any warres, he must first have leave of the Great Turke, whom hee is bound to assist when hee commandeth, receiving daily for himselfe and chiefe of his Nobilitie, pensions from the Turke, that holds all Kings but slaves, that pay tribute or are subject to any: signifying his intent to all his subjects, within a monethcommonly he raiseth his Armie, and everie man is to furnish himselfe for three moneths victuals, which is parched Millit, or grownd to meale, which they ordinarily mingle with water (as is said) hard cheese or cruds8 dried, and beaten to powder, a little will make much water like milke, and dried flesh, this they put also up in sackes: The Chan and his Nobles have some bread and Aquavitæ, and quicke9 cattell to kill when they please, wherewith verie sparingly they are contented. Being provided with expert Guides, and got into the Countrey he intends to invade, he sends forth his Scouts to bring in what prisoners they can, from whom he will wrest the utmost of their knowledge fit for his purpose: having advised with his Councell, what is most fit to be done, the Nobilitie, according to their antiquitie,1 doth march; then moves he with his whole Armie: if hee finde there is no enemie to oppose him, he adviseth how farre they shall invade, commanding everie man (upon paine of his life) to kill all the obvious Rusticks;2 but not to hurt any women, or children. How he levieth an Armie.

Ten, or fifteene thousand, he commonly placeth, where hee findeth most convenient for his standing Campe; the rest of his Armie hee di- ∥ vides in severall troops, bearing ten or twelve miles square before them,3 and ever within three or foure dayes returne to their Campe, putting all to fire and sword, but that they carrie with them backe to their Campe; and in this scattering manner he will invade a Countrey, and be gone with his prey, with an incredible expedition. But if he understand of an enemie, he will either fight in Ambuscado, or flie; for he will never fight any battell if he can chuse, but upon treble advantage; yet by his innumerable flights of arrowes, I have seene flie from his flying troopes, we could not well judge, whether his fighting or flying was most dangerous, so good is his horse, and so expert his bowmen; but if they be so intangled they must fight, there is none can bee more hardy, or resolute in their defences. The manner of his warres.

Regaining his owne borders, he takes the tenth of the principall captives, man, woman, childe, or beast (but his captaines that take them, will accept of some particular person they best like for themselves)4 the rest are divided amongst the whole Armie, according to every mans desert, and quality; that they keepe them, or sell them to who will give most; but they will not forget to use all the meanes they can, to know their estates, friends, and quality, and the better they finde you, the worse they will use you, till you doe agree to pay such a ransome, as they will impose upon you; therefore many great persons have endured much misery to conceale themselves, because their ransomes are so intolerable: their best hope is of some Christian Agent, that many times commeth to redeeme slaves, either with mony, or man for man; those Agents knowing so well5 the extreme covetousnesse of the Tartars, doe use to bribe some Jew or Merchant, that feigning they will sell them againe to some other nation, are oft redeemed for a very small ransome. How he divides the spoile.

But to this Tartarian Armie, when the Turke commands, he goeth with some small artillery; and the Nagagians,6 Perecopens, Crimes, Osovens, and Cersessians, are his tributaries; but the Petigorves, Oczaconians, Byalogordens, and Dobrucen Tartars, the Turke by covenant commands to follow him, so that from all those Tartars he hathhad an Army of an hundred and twenty thousand excellent, swift, stomackfull7 Tartarian horse, for foot they have none. Now the Chan, his Sultaines and nobility, use Turkish, Caramanian,8 Arabian, Parthian, and other strange Tartarian horses; the swiftest they esteeme the best; seldome they feede any more at home, than they have present use for; but upon their plaines is a short wodde9 like heath, in some countries like gaile, full of berries, farre much better than any grasse. How the Chan doth serve the great Turke.

Their Armes are such as they have surprised or got from the Christians or Persians, both brest-plates, swords, semiteres, and helmets; bowes and arrowes they make most themselves, also their bridles and saddles are indifferent, but the nobility are very handsome, and well armed like the Turkes, in whom consisteth their greatest glory; the ordinary sort have little armor, some a plaine young pole unshaven, headed with a peece of iron for a lance; some an old Christian pike, or a Turks cavarine;1 yet those tattertimallions will have two or three horses, some ∥ foure or five, as well for service, as for to eat; which makes their Armies seem thrice so many as there are souldiers. The Chan himselfe hathabout his person ten thousand chosen Tartars and Janizaries, some small Ordnance, and a white mares taile, with a peece of greene taffity on a great Pike, is carried before him for a standard;2 because they hold no beast so precious as a white mare, whose milke is onely for the King and nobility, and to sacrifice to their Idolls; but the rest have ensignes of divers colours. Their Armes.

For all this miserable knowledge,3 furniture, and equipage, the mischiefe they doe in Christendome is wonderfull, by reason of their hardnesse of life and constitution, obedience, agilitie, and their Emperours bountie, honours, grace, and dignities he ever bestoweth upon those, that have done him any memorable service in the face of his enemies.

The Caspian Sea,4 most men agree that have passed it, to be in length about 200. leagues, and in breadth an hundred and fifty, environed to the East, with the great desarts of the Tartars of Turkamane; to the West, by the Circasses, and the mountaine Caucasus; to the North, by the river Volga, and the land of Nagay; and to the South, by Media, and Persia:5 this sea is fresh water in many places, in others as salt as the great Ocean; it hathmany great rivers which fall into it, as the mighty river of Volga, which is like a sea, running neere two thousand miles, through many great and large Countries, that send into it many other great rivers; also out of Saberya, Yaick, and Yem,6 out of the great mountaine Caucasus, the river Sirus, Arash, and divers others, yet no Sea neerer it than the blacke Sea, which is at least an hundred leagues distant: in which Country live the Georgians, now part Armenians, part Nestorians; it is neither found to increase or diminish, or empty it selfe any way, except it be under ground, and in some places they can finde no ground at two hundred fadome. A description of the Caspian Sea.

Many other most strange and wonderfull things are in the land of Cathay towards the North-east,7 and Chyna towards the South-east, where are many of the most famous Kingdomes in the world; where most arts, plenty, and curiosities are in such abundance, as might seeme incredible, which hereafter I will relate, as I have briefly gathered from such authors as have lived there.

ALL the hope he had ever to be delivered from this thraldome, was only the love of Tragabigzanda, who surely was ignorant of his bad usage; for although he had often debated the matter with some Christians, that had beene there a long time slaves, they could not finde how to make an escape, by any reason or possibility; but God be- ∥ yond mans expectation or imagination helpeth his servants, when they least thinke of helpe, as it hapned to him. So long he lived in this miserable estate, as he became a thresher at a grange in a great field, more than a league from the Tymors house; the Bashaw as he oft used to visit his granges, visited him, and tooke occasion so to beat, spurne, and revile him, that forgetting all reason, he beat out the Tymors braines with his threshing bat, for they have no flailes;9 and seeing his estate could be no worse than it was, clothed himselfe in his clothes, hid his body under the straw, filled his knapsacke with corne, shut the doores, mounted his horse, and ranne into the desart at all adventure; two or three dayes thus fearfully wandring he knew not whither, and well it was he met not any to aske the way; being even as taking leave of this miserable world, God did direct him to the great way or Castragan,1 as they call it, which doth crosse these large territories, and generally knowne among them by these markes.2 How Smith escaped his captivity.

In every crossing of this great way is planted a post, and in it so many bobs3 with broad ends, as there be wayes, and every bob the figure painted on it, that demonstrateth to what part that way leadeth; as that which pointeth towards the Cryms Country, is marked with a halfe Moone, if towards the Georgians and Persia, a blacke man, full of white spots, if towards China, the picture of the Sunne, if towards Muscovia, the signe of a Crosse, if towards the habitation of any other Prince, the figure whereby his standard is knowne. To his dying spirits thus God added some comfort in this melancholy journey, wherein if he had met any of that vilde generation,4 they had made him their slave, or knowing the figure engraven in the iron about his necke, (as all slaves have) he had beene sent backe againe to his master; sixteene dayes he travelled in this feare and torment, after the Crosse, till he arrived at Æcopolis,5 upon the river Don, a garrison of the Muscovites. The governour after due examination of those his hard events, tooke off his irons, and so kindly used him, he thought himselfe new risen from death, and the good Lady Callamata,6 largely supplied all his wants. Their guides in those Countries.

This is as much as he could learne of those wilde Countries, that the Country of Cambia is two dayes journy from the head of the great river Bruapo,7 which springeth from many places of the mountaines of Innagachi, that joyne themselves together in the Poole Kerkas; which they account for the head, and falleth into the Sea Dissabacca, called by some the lake Meotis, which receiveth also the river Tanais,8 and all the rivers that fall from the great Countries of the Circassi, the Cartaches, and many from the Tauricaes, Precopes, Cummani, Cossunka, and the Cryme; through which Sea he sailed, and up the river Bruapo to Nalbrits, and thence through the desarts of Circassi to Æcopolis, as is related; where he stayed with the Governour, till the Convoy went to Coragnaw;1 then with his certificate how hee found him, and had examined with his friendly letters sent him by Zumalacke to Caragnaw, whose Governour in like manner so kindly use him, that by this meanes he went with a safe conduct to Letch, and Donka,2 in Cologoske, and thence to Berniske, and Newgrod in Seberia, by Rezechica, upon the river Niper, in the confines ∥ of Littuania; from whence with as much kindnesse he was convoyed in like manner by Coroski,3 Duberesko, Duzihell, Drohobus, and Ostroge in Volonia; Saslaw and Lasco in Podolia; Halico and Collonia in Polonia; and so to Hermonstat in Transilvania. In all his life he seldome met with more respect, mirth, content, and entertainment; and not any Governour where he came, but gave him somewhat as a present, besides his charges; seeing themselves as subject to the like calamity. Through those poore continually forraged Countries there is no passage, but with the Carravans or Convoyes; for they are Countries rather to be pitied, than envied; and it is a wonder any should make warres for them. The Villages are onely here and there a few houses of straight Firre trees, laid heads and points above one another,4 made fast by notches at the ends more than a mans height, and with broad split boards, pinned together with woodden pinnes, as thatched for coverture. In ten Villages you shall scarce finde ten iron nailes, except it be in some extraordinary mans house. For their Townes, Æcopolis, Letch, and Donko, have rampiers5 made of that woodden walled fashion, double, and betwixt them earth and stones, but so latched with crosse timber, they are very strong against any thing but fire; and about them a deepe ditch, and a Palizado of young Firre trees: but most of the rest have only a great ditch cast about them, and the ditches earth is all their rampier; but round well environed with Palizadoes. Some have some few small peeces of small Ordnance, and slings, calievers,6 and muskets, but their generallest weapons are the Russe bowes and arrowes; you shall find pavements over bogges, onely of young Firre trees laid crosse one over another, for two or three houres journey, or as the passage requires, and yet in two dayes travell you shall scarce see six habitations.7 Notwithstanding to see how their Lords, Governours, and Captaines are civilized, well attired and acoutred with Jewells, Sables, and Horses, and after their manner with curious8 furniture, it is wonderfull; but they are all Lords or slaves, which makes them so subject to every invasion. The description of Cambia, and his passage to Russia. His observations in his journey to Transilvania, through the midst of Europe.

In Transilvania9 he found so many good friends, that but to see, and rejoyce himselfe (after all those encounters) in his native Country, he would ever hardly have left them, though the mirrour of vertue their Prince was absent. Being thus glutted with content, and neere drowned with joy, he passed high Hungaria1 by Fileck, Tocka, Cassovia, and Underoroway, by Ulmicht in Moravia, to Prague in Bohemia; at last he found the most gracious Prince Sigismundus, with his Colonell at Lipswick in Misenland, who gave him his Passe, intimating the service he had done, and the honours he had received, with fifteene hundred ducats of gold to repaire his losses: with this he spent some time to visit the faire Cities and Countries of Drasdon2 in Saxonie, Magdaburgh and Brunswicke; Cassell in Hessen; Wittenberg, Ullum, and Minikin in Bavaria; Aughsbrough, and her Universities; Hama,3 Franckford, Mentz, the Palatinate; Wormes, Speyre, and Strausborough; passing Nancie in Loraine, and France by Paris to Orleans, hee went downe the river of Loyer, to Angiers, and imbarked himselfe at Nantz in Britanny, for Bilbao in Biskay, to see Burgos, ∥ Valiadolid,4 the admired monasterie of the Escuriall, Madrill, Toledo, Cordua, Cuedyriall, Civill, Cheryes, Cales, and Saint Lucas in Spaine.

BEING thus satisfied with Europe and Asia, understanding of the warres in Barbarie,5 hee went from Gibralter to Guta6 and Tanger, thence to Saffee, where growing into acquaintance with a French man of warre, the Captaine and some twelve more went to Morocco, to see the ancient monuments of that large renowned Citie: it was once the principall Citie in Barbarie,7 situated in a goodly plaine Countrey, 14. miles from the great Mount Atlas, and sixtie miles from the Atlanticke Sea; but now little remaining, but the Kings Palace, which is like a Citie of it selfe, and the Christian Church, on whose flat square steeple is a great brouch8 of iron, whereon is placed the three golden Bals of Affrica: the first is neere three Ells in circumference, the next above it somewhat lesse, the uppermost the least over them, as it were an halfe Ball, and over all a prettie guilded Pyramides. Against those golden Bals hathbeen shot many a shot, their weight is recorded 700. weight of pure gold,9 hollow within, yet no shot did ever hit them, nor could ever any Conspirator attaine that honor as to get them downe. They report the Prince of Morocco betrothed himselfe to the Kings Daughter of Æthiopia, he dying before their marriage, she caused those three golden Balls to be set up for his Monument, and vowed virginitie all her life. The Alfantica1 is also a place of note, because it is invironed with a great wall, wherein lye the goods of all the Merchants securely guarded. The Juderea is also (as it were) a Citie of it selfe, where dwell the Jewes: the rest for the most part is defaced: but by the many pinnacles and towers, with Balls on their tops, hathmuch appearance of much sumptuousnesse and curiositie.2 There have been many famous Universities, which are now but stables for Fowles and Beasts, and the houses in most parts lye tumbled one above another; the walls of Earth are with the great fresh flouds washed to the ground; nor is there any village in it, but tents for Strangers, Larbes3 and Moores. Strange tales they will tell of a great Garden, wherein were all sorts of Birds, Fishes, Beasts, Fruits and Fountaines, which for beautie, Art and pleasure, exceeded any place knowne in the world, though now nothing but dung-hils, Pigeon-houses, shrubs and bushes. There are yet many excellent fountaines adorned with marble, and many arches, pillers, towers, ports and Temples; but most only reliques of lamentable ruines and sad desolation. The three golden Bals of Affrica. The description of Morocco.

When Mully Hamet4 reigned in Barbarie, hee had three sonnes, Mully Shecke, Mully Sidan, and Mully Befferres, he a most good and noble King, that governed well with peace and plentie, till his Empresse, more cruell ∥ than any beast in Affrica, poysoned him, her owne daughter, Mully Shecke his eldest sonne borne of a Portugall Ladie, and his daughter, to bring Mully Sidan to the Crowne now reigning,5 which was the cause of all those brawles and warres that followed betwixt those Brothers, their children, and a Saint that start up, but he played the Devill. A bloudie Empresse.

King Mully Hamet was not blacke, as many suppose, but Molata,6 or tawnie, as are the most of his subjects; everie way noble, kinde and friendly, verie rich and pompous in State and Majestie, though hee sitteth not upon a Throne nor Chaire of Estate, but crosse legged upon a rich Carpet, as doth the Turke, whose Religion of Mahomet, with an incredible miserable curiositie7 they observe. His Ordinarie Guard is at least 5000 but in progresse he goeth not with lesse than 20000. horsemen, himselfe as rich in all his Equipage, as any Prince in Christendome, and yet a Contributor to the Turke. In all his Kingdome were so few good Artificers, that hee entertained from England, Gold-smiths, Plummers,8 Carvers, and Polishers of stone, and Watch-makers, so much hee delighted in the reformation of workmanship, hee allowed each of them ten shillings a day standing fee, linnen, woollen, silkes, and what they would for diet and apparell, and custome-free to transport, or import what they would; for there were scarce any of those qualities in his Kingdomes, but those, of which there are divers of them living at this present in London. Amongst the rest, one Master Henry Archer, a Watch-maker,1 walking in Morocco, from the Alfantica to the Juderea, the way being verie foule, met a great Priest, or a Sante2 (as they call all great Clergy-men) who would have thrust him into the durt for the way; but Archer, not knowing what he was, gave him a box on the eare, presently he was apprehended, and condemned to have his tongue cut out, and his hand cut off: but no sooner it was knowen at the Kings Court, but 300. of his Guard came, and broke open the Prison, and delivered him, although the fact was next degree to Treason. King Mully Hamet, or the Great Zeriff of Barbarie. His great love to English-men.

Concerning this Archer, there is one thing more worth noting: Not farre from Mount Atlas, a great Lionesse in the heat of the day, did use to bathe her selfe, and teach her young Puppies to swimme in the river Cauzeff,3 of a good bredth; yet she would carrie them one after another over the river; which some Moores perceiving watched their opportunitie, and when the river was betweene her and them, stole foure of her whelps, which she perceiving, with all the speed shee could passed the river, and comming neere them they let fall a whelpe (and fled with the rest) which she tooke in her mouth, and so returned to the rest: a Male and a Female of those they gave Master Archer, who kept them in the Kings Garden, till the Male killed the Female, then he brought it up as a Puppy-dog lying upon his bed, till it grew so great as a Mastiffe, and no dog more tame or gentle to them hee knew: but being to returne for England, at Saffee he gave him to a Merchant of Marsellis, that presented him to the French King, who sent him to King James, where it was kept in the Tower seven yeeres: After one Master John Bull, then servant to Master Archer, with divers of his friends, went to see the Lyons, not knowing any thing at all of him; yet this rare beast smelled him before hee ∥ saw him, whining, groaning, and tumbling, with such an expression of acquaintance, that being informed by the Keepers how hee came thither; Master Bull so prevailed, the Keeper opened the grate, and Bull went in: But no Dogge could fawne more on his Master, than the Lyon on him, licking his feet, hands, and face, skipping and tumbling to and fro, to the wonder of all the beholders; being satisfied with his acquaintance, he made shift to get out of the grate. But when the Lyon saw his friend gone, no beast by bellowing, roaring, scratching, and howling, could expresse more rage and sorrow, nor in foure dayes after would he either eat or drinke. The strange love of a Lyon.

In Morocco, the Kings Lyons are all together in a Court, invironed with a great high wall; to those they put a young Puppy-dogge: the greatest Lyon had a sore upon his necke, which this Dogge so licked that he was healed: the Lyon defended him from the furie of all the rest, nor durst they eat till the Dogge and he had fed; this Dog grew great, and lived amongst them many yeeres after. Another kinde Lyon in Morocco.

Fez also is a most large and plentifull Countrey,4 the chiefe Citie is called Fez, divided into two parts; old Fez, containing about 80. thousand housholds, the other 4000. pleasantly situated upon a River in the heart of Barbarie, part upon hils, part upon plaines, full of people, and all sorts of Merchandise. The great Temple is called Carucen,5 in bredth seventeene Arches, in length 120. borne up with 2500. white marble pillars: under the chiefe Arch, where the Tribunall is kept, hangeth a most huge lampe, compassed with 110. lesser, under the other also hang great lamps, and about some are burning fifteene hundred lights. They say they were all made of the bels the Arabians brought from Spaine. It haththree gates of notable height, Priests and Officers so many, that the circuit of the Church, the Yard, and other houses, is little lesse than a mile and an halfe in compasse; there are in this Citie 200. Schooles, 200. Innes, 400. water-mils, 600. water-Conduits, 700. Temples and Oratories; but fiftie of them most stately and richly furnished. Their Alcazer or Burse6 is walled about, it hathtwelve gates, and fifteen walks covered with tents, to keepe the Sun from the Merchants, and them that come there. The Kings Palace, both for strength and beautie is excellent, and the Citizens have many great privileges. Those two Countreyes of Fez and Morocco, are the best part of all Barbarie, abounding with people, cattell, and all good necessaries for mans use. For the rest, as the Larbes, or Mountainers, the Kingdomes of Cocow,7 Algier, Tripoly, Tunis, and Ægypt; there are many large histories of them in divers languages, especially that writ by that most excellent Statesman, John de Leo, who afterward turned Christian. The unknowen Countries of Ginny and Binne,8 this six and twentie yeeres have beene frequented with a few English ships only to trade, especially the river of Senaga, by Captaine Brimstead, Captaine Brockit, Master Crump, and divers others.1 Also the great river of Gambra, by Captaine Jobson, who is returned in thither againe in the yeere 1626. with Master William Grent,2 and thirteene or fourteene others, to stay in the Countrey, to discover some way to those rich mines of Gago or Tumbatu, from whence is supposed the Moores of ∥ Barbarie have their gold,3 and the certaintie of those supposed descriptions and relations of those interiour parts, which daily the more they are sought into, the more they are corrected. For surely, those interiour parts of Affrica are little knowen to either English, French, or Dutch, though they use much the Coast; therefore wee will make a little bold with the observations of the Portugalls. The description of Fez. A briefe description of the most unknowen parts of Affrica.

THE Portugalls on those parts have the glorie, who first coasting along this Westerne shore of Affrica, to finde passage to the East Indies, within this hundred and fiftie yeeres,5 even from the Streights of Gibralter, about the Cape of Bone Esperance to the Persian Gulfe, and thence all along the Asian Coast to the Moluccas, have subjected many great Kingdomes, erected many Common-wealths, built many great and strong Cities; and where is it they have not beene by trade or force? no not so much as Cape de Verd, and Serraleone; but most Bayes or Rivers, where there is any trade to bee had, especially gold, or conveniencie for refreshment, but they are scattered; living so amongst those Blacks, by time and cunning they seeme to bee naturalized amongst them. As for the Isles of the Canaries, they have faire Townes, many Villages, and many thousands of people rich in commodities. How the Portugalls coasted to the East Indies.

Odoardo Lopez, a noble Portugall, Anno Dom. 1578.6 imbarquing himselfe for Congo to trade, where he found such entertainment, finding the King much oppressed with enemies, hee found meanes to bring in the Portugalls to assist him, whereby he planted there Christian Religion, and spent most of his life to bring those Countreyes to the Crowne of Portugall, which he describeth in this manner. Or Edward.

The Kingdome of Congo is about 600. miles diameter any way, the chiefe Citie called St. Salvadore,7 seated upon an exceeding high mountaine, 150. miles from the Sea, verie fertile, and inhabited with more than 100000. persons; where is an excellent prospect over all the plaine Countreyes about it, well watered, lying (as it were) in the Center of this Kingdome, over all which the Portugalls now command, though but an handfull in comparison of Negroes. They have flesh and fruits verie plentifull of divers sorts. The Kingdome of Congo.

This Kingdom is divided into five Provinces, viz. Bamba, Sundi, Pango, Batta and Pembo;8 but Bamba is the principall, and can affoord 400000. men of warre. Elephants are bred over all those Provinces, and of wonderfull greatnesse; though some report they cannot kneele, nor lye downe, they can doe both, and have their joynts as other creatures for use: with their fore-feet they will leape upon trees to pull downe the boughes, and are of that strength, they will shake a great Cocar9 tree for ∥ the nuts, and pull downe a good tree with their tuskes, to get the leaves to eat, as well as sedge and long grasse, Cocar nuts and berries, etc. which with their trunke they put in their mouth, and chew it with their smaller teeth; in most of those Provinces, are many rich mines, but the Negars opposed the Portugalls for working in them. Wilde Elephants.

The Kingdome of Angola is wonderfull populous, and rich in mines of silver, copper, and most other mettalls; fruitfull in all manner of food, and sundry sorts of cattell, but dogges flesh they love better than any other meat; they use few clothes, and no Armour; bowes, arrowes, and clubs, are their weapons. But the Portugalls are well armed against those engines,1 and doe buy yearely of those Blacks more than five thousand slaves, and many are people exceeding well proportioned. The Kingdome of Angola.

The Anchicos2 are a most valiant nation, but most strange to all about them. Their Armes are Bowes, short and small, wrapped about with serpents skinnes, of divers colours, but so smooth you would thinke them all one with the wood, and it makes them very strong; their strings little twigs, but exceeding tough and flexible; their arrowes short, which they shoot with an incredible quicknesse. They have short axes of brasse and copper for swords; wonderfull loyall and faithfull, and exceeding simple, yet so active, they skip amongst the rockes like goats. They trade with them of Nubea, and Congo, for Lamache,3 which is a small kinde of shell fish, of an excellent azure colour, male and female, but the female they hold most pure; they value them at divers prices, because they are of divers sorts, and those they use for coine, to buy and sell, as we doe gold and silver; nor will they have any other money in all those Countries, for which they give Elephants teeth; and slaves for salt, silke, linnen cloth, glasse-beads, and such like Portugall commodities. The Kingdome of Anchicos. A strange mony.

They circumcise themselves, and marke their faces with sundry slashes from their infancie. They keepe a shambles4 of mans flesh, as if it were beefe, or other victuall; for when they cannot have a good market for their slaves; or their enemies they take, they kill, and sell them in this manner; some are so resolute, in shewing how much they scorne death, they will offer themselves and slaves, to this butchery to their Prince and friends; and though there be many nations will eat their enemies, in America and Asia, yet none but those are knowne to be so mad, as to eat their slaves and friends also. A shambles of mans flesh.

Religions and idolls5 they have as many, as nations and humours; but the devill haththe greatest part of their devotions, whom all those Blacks doe say is white; for there are no Saints but Blacks. Their Religions and Idols.

But besides those great Kingdomes of Congo, Angola, and Azichi, in those unfrequented parts are the kingdomes of Lango, Matania, Buttua, Sofola, Mozambeche, Quivola, the Isle of Saint Lawrence, Mombaza, Metruda, the Empires of Monomatopa, Monemugi, and Presbiter John, with whom they have a kinde of trade, and their rites, customes, climates, temperatures, and commodities by relation. Also of great Lakes, that deserve the names of Seas, and huge mountaines of divers ∥ sorts, as some scorched with heat, some covered with snow; the mountaines of the Sunne, also of the Moone, some of crystall, some of iron, some of silver, and mountaines of gold, with the originall of Nilus;6 likewise sundry sorts of cattell, fishes, Fowles, strange beasts, and monstrous serpents; for Affrica was alwayes noted to be a fruitfull mother of such terrible creatures; who meeting at their watering places, which are but Ponds in desart places, in regard of the heat of the Country, and their extremities of nature, make strange copulations, and so ingender those extraordinary monsters. Of all these you may reade in the history of this Edward Lopez, translated into English by Abraham Hartwell, and dedicated to John, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, 1597. But because the particulars are most concerning the conversion of those Pagans, by a good poore Priest, that first converted a Noble man, to convert the King, and the rest of the Nobility; sent for so many Priests and ornaments into Portugall, to solemnize their baptismes with such magnificence, which was performed with such strange curiosities, that those poore Negros adored them as Gods, till the Priests grew to that wealth, a Bishop was sent to rule over them, which they would not endure, which endangered to spoile all before they could bee reconciled. But not to trouble you too long with those rarities of uncertainties; let us returne againe to Barbary, where the warres being ended, and Befferres possessed of Morocco, and his fathers treasure, a new bruit arose amongst them, that Muly Sidan, was raising an Armie against him, who after tooke his brother Befferres prisoner; but by reason of the uncertainty, and the perfidious, treacherous, bloudy murthers rather than warre, amongst those perfidious, barbarous Moores, Smith returned with Merham, and the rest to Saffe,7 and so aboard his Ship, to try some other conclusions at Sea. Divers nations yet unknowne, and the wonders of Affrica.

MERHAM a captaine of a man of war then in the Road,9 invited captaine Smith, and two or three more of them aboord with him, where he spared not any thing he had to expresse his kindnesse, to bid them welcome, till it was too late to goe on shore, so that necessitie constrained them to stay aboord; a fairer Evening could not bee, yet eremidnight such a storme did arise, they were forced to let slip Cable, and Anchor, and put to Sea; spooning before the wind, till they were driven to the Canaries;1 in the calmes they accommodated themselves, hoping this strange accident might yet produce some good event;2 not long it was before they tooke a small Barke comming from Teneryf, loaded with Wine; three or foure more they chased, two they tooke, but found little in them, save a few passengers, that told them of five Dutch men of warre, about the Isles, so that they stood for Boyadora,3 ∥ upon the Affrican shore, betwixt which and Cape Noa,4 they descried two saile. Merham intending to know what they were, hailed them; very civilly they dansed their topsailes, and desired the man of warre to come aboord them, and take what he would, for they were but two poore distressed Biskiners. But Merham the old fox, seeing himselfe in the lions pawes, sprung his loufe,5 the other tacked after him, and came close up to his nether quarter, gave his broad side, and so loufed up to windward; the Vice-Admirall did the like, and at the next bout, the Admirall with a noise of Trumpets, and all his Ordnance, murtherers, and muskets, boorded him on his broad side; the other in like manner on his ley quarter, that it was so darke, there was little light, but fire and smoake; long he stayed not, before he fell off, leaving 4. or 5. of his men sprawling over the grating; after they had battered Merham about an houre, they boorded him againe as before; and threw foure kedgers6 or grapnalls in iron chaines, then shearing off they thought so to have torne downe the grating; but the Admiralls yard was so intangled in their shrouds, Merham had time to discharge two crosse barre shot7 amongst them, and divers bolts of iron made for that purpose, against his bow, that made such a breach, he feared they both should have sunke for company; so that the Spaniard was as yare8 in slipping his chained Grapnalls, as Merham was in cutting the tackling, kept fast their yards in his shrouds; the Vice-admirall presently cleared himselfe, but spared neither his Ordnance nor Muskets to keepe Merham from getting away, till the Admirall had repaired his leake; from twelve at noone, till six at night, they thus interchanged one volly for another; then the Vice-admirall fell on starne, staying for the Admirall that came up againe to him, and all that night stood after Merham, that shaped his course for Mamora,9 but such small way they made, the next morning they were not three leagues off from Cape Noa. The two Spanish men of warre, for so they were, and well appointed, taking it in scorne as it seemed, with their chase, broad side, and starne, the one after the other, within Musket shot, plying their ordnance; and after an houres worke commanded Merham a maine for the King of Spaine upon faire quarter; Merham dranke to them, and so discharged his quarter peeces: which pride the Spaniard to revenge, boorded him againe, and many of them were got to the top to unsling the maine saile, which the Master and some others from the round house, caused to their cost to come tumbling downe; about the round house the Spaniards so pestered, that they were forced to the great Cabben and blew it up; the smoake and fire was so vehement, as they thought the Ship on fire; they in the fore castle were no lesse assaulted, that blew up a peece of the grating, with a great many of Spaniards more; then they cleared themselves with all speed, and Merham with as much expedition to quench the fire with wet clothes and water, which beganne to grow too fast. The Spaniard still playing upon him with all the shot they could; the open places presently they covered with old sailes, and prepared themselves to fight to the last man. The angry Spaniard seeing the fire quenched, hung out a flagge of truce to have but a parley; but that desperate ∥ Merham knew there was but one way with him, and would have none, but the report of his Ordnance, which hee did know well how to use for his best advantage. Thus they spent the next after-noone, and halfe that night, when the Spanyards either lost them, or left them. Seven and twentie men Merham had slaine, and sixteene wounded, and could finde they had received 140. great shot. A wounded Spanyard they kept alive1 confessed, they had lost 100. men in the Admirall, which they did feare would sinke, ere she could recover a Port. Thus reaccommodating their sailes, they sailed for Sancta Cruse, Cape Goa, and Magadore,2 till they came againe to Saffee, and then he returned into England.3

CONCERNING these Countreyes, I would be sorrie to trouble you with repeating one thing twice, as with their Maps, Commodities, People, Government and Religion yet knowen, the beginning of those plantations, their numbers and names, with the names of the Adventurers, the yeerely proceedings of everie Governour both here and there. As for the misprisions,5 neglect, grievances, and the causes of all those rumours, losses and crosses that have happened; I referre you to the Generall Historie, where you shall finde all this at large; especially to those pages, where you may read my letter of advice to the Councell and Company, what of necessitie must be done, or lose all and leave the Countrey, pag. 70. what commodities I sent home, pag. 163. my opinion and offer to the Company, to feed and defend the Colonies, pag. 150. my account to them here of my actions there, pag. 163. my seven answers to his Majesties Commissioners: seven questions what hathhindered Virginia, and the remedie, pag. 165. How those noble Gentlemen spent neere two yeares in perusing all letters came from thence; and the differences betwixt many factions, both here and there, with their complaints; especially about the Sallerie, which should have beene a new office in London, for the well ordering the sale of Tobacco, that 2500. pounds should yearely have beene raised out of it, to pay foure or five hundred pounds yearly to the Governor of that Companie; two or three hundred to his Deputie; the rest into stipends of thirtie or fiftie pounds yearely for their Clerks and under Officers which were never there, pag. 153. but not one hundred pounds for all them in Virginia, nor any thing for the most part of the Adventurers in England, except the undertakers for the Lotteries, Setters out of ships, Adventurers of commodities, also their Factors and many other Officers, there imployed only by friendship to raise their fortunes out of the labours of the true industrious planters by the title of their office, who ∥ under the colour of sinceritie, did pillage and deceive all the rest most cunningly: For more than 150000. pounds6 have beene spent out of the common stocke, besides many thousands have beene there consumed, and neere 7000. people that there died, only for want of good order and government, otherwise long erethis there would have beene more than 20000. people, where after twentie yeeres spent onely in complement, and trying new conclusions, was remaining scarce 1500. with some few cattell.7

Then the Company dissolved, but no account of any thing; so that his Majestie appointed Commissioners to oversee, and give order for their proceedings. Being thus in a manner left to themselves, since then within these foure yeeres, you shall see how wonderfully they have increased beyond expectation; but so exactly as I desired, I cannot relate unto you: For although I have tired my selfe in seeking and discoursing with those returned thence, more than would a voyage to Virginia;1 few can tell me any thing, but of that place or places they have inhabited, and he is a great traveller that hathgone up and downe the river of James Towne, been at Pamaunke, Smiths Iles, or Accomack;2 wherein for the most part they keepe one tune of their now particular abundance, and their former wants, having beene there, some sixteene yeeres, some twelve, some six, some neere twentie, etc. But of their generall estate, or any thing of worth, the most of them doth know verie little to any purpose.

Now the most I could understand in generall, was from the relation of Master Nathaniel Cawsey,3 that lived there with mee, and returned Anno Dom. 1627. and some others affirme; Sir George Yerley was Governour, Captaine Francis West, Doctor John Poot, Captain Roger Smith, Captaine Matthewes, Captaine Tucker, Master Clabourne, and Master Farrer of the Councell: their habitations many. The Governour, with two or three of the Councell, are for most part at James Towne, the rest repaire thither as there is occasion; but everie three moneths they have a generall meeting, to consider of their publike affaires. Their estate 1627.

Their numbers then were about 1500. some say rather 2000. divided into seventeene or eighteene severall Plantations;4 the greatest part thereof towards the falls, are so inclosed with Pallizadoes they regard not the salvages; and amongst those Plantations above James Towne, they have now found meanes to take plentie of fish, as well with lines, as nets, and where the waters are the largest,5 having meanes, they need not want. Their numbers.

Upon this River they seldome see any salvages, but in the woods, many times their fires: yet some few there are, that upon their opportunitie have slaine some few stragglers, which have beene revenged with the death of so many of themselves; but no other attempt hathbeene made upon them this two or three yeares. Their condition with the salvages.

Their Cattle, namely Oxen, Kine, Buls, they imagine to be about 2000. Goats great store and great increase; the wilde Hogs, which were infinite, are destroyed and eaten by the salvages: but no family is so poore, that hathnot tame Swine sufficient; and for Poultrie, he is a verie ∥ bad husband breedeth not an hundred in a yeere, and the richer sort doth daily feed on them. Their increase of Cattle and Poultrie.

For bread they have plentie, and so good, that those that make it well, better cannot be: divers have much English corne, especially Master Abraham Perce,6 which prepared this yeere to sow two hundred acres of English wheat, and as much with barley, feeding daily about the number of sixtie persons at his owne charges. Plenty of Corne.

For drinke, some malt the Indian corne, others barley, of which they make good Ale, both strong and small, and such plentie thereof, few of the upper Planters drinke any water: but the better sort are well furnished with Sacke, Aquavitæ, and good English Beere. Their drinke.

Their servants commonly feed upon Milke Homini,7 which is bruized Indian corne pounded, and boiled thicke, and milke for the sauce; but boiled with milke, the best of all will oft feed on it, and leave their flesh; with milke, butter and cheese; with fish, Bulls flesh, for they seldome kill any other, etc. And everie one is so applyed to his labour about Tobacco and Corne, which doth yeeld them such profit, they never regard any food from the salvages, nor have they any trade or conference with them, but upon meere accidents and defiances: and now the Merchants have left it, there have gone so many voluntarie ships within this two yeeres, as have furnished them with Apparell, Sacke, Aquavitæ, and all necessaries, much better than ever before. Their servants diet.

For Armes, there is scarce any man but he is furnished with a Peece, a Jacke,8 a Coat of Maile, a Sword, or Rapier; and everie Holy-day, everie Plantation doth exercise their men in Armes, by which meanes, hunting and fowling, the most part of them are most excellent markmen. Their Armes and exercise.

For Discoveries they have made none, nor any other commoditie than Tobacco doe they apply themselves unto, though never any was planted at first. And whereas the Countrey was heretofore held most intemperate and contagious by many, now they have houses, lodgings and victuall, and the Sunne hathpower to exhale up9 the moyst vapours of the earth, where they have cut downe the wood, which before it could not, being covered with spreading tops of high trees; they finde it much more healthfull than before; nor for their numbers, few Countreyes are lesse troubled with death, sicknesse, or any other disease, nor where overgrowne women1 become more fruitfull. Their health and discoveries.

Since this, Sir George Yerley died 1628. Captaine West succeeded him; but about a yeere after returned for England: Now Doctor Poot2 is Governour, and the rest of the Councell as before: James Towne is yet their chiefe seat, most of the wood destroyed, little corne there planted, but all converted into pasture and gardens, wherein doth grow all manner of herbs and roots we have in England in abundance, and as good grasse as can be. Here most of their Cattle doe feed, their Owners being most some one way, some another, about their plantations, and returne againe when they please, or any shipping comes in to trade. Here in winter they have hay for their Cattell, but in other places they browze upon wood, and the great huskes of their corne, with some corne in ∥ them, doth keepe them well. Master Hutchins3 saith, they have 2000. Cattle, and about 5000. people; but Master Floud,4 John Davis, William Emerson, and divers others, say, about five thousand people, and five thousand kine, calves, oxen, and bulls; for goats, hogs, and poultry; corne, fish, deere, and many sorts of other wilde beasts; and fowle in their season, they have so much more than they spend, they are able to feed three or foure hundred men more than they have; and doe oft much releeve many ships, both there, and for their returne; and this last yeare was there at least two or three and twenty saile. They have oft much salt fish from New England, but fresh fish enough, when they will take it; Peaches in abundance at Kecoughtan; Apples, Peares, Apricocks, Vines, figges, and other fruits some have planted, that prospered exceedingly, but their diligence about Tobacco, left them to be spoiled by the cattell, yet now they beginne to revive; Mistresse Pearce,5 an honest industrious woman, hathbeene there neere twentie yeares, and now returned, saith, shee hatha Garden at James towne, containing three or foure acres, where in one yeare shee hathgathered neere an hundred bushels of excellent figges; and that of her owne provision she can keepe a better house in Virginia, than here in London for 3. or 400. pounds a yeare, yet went thither with little or nothing. They have some tame geese, ducks, and turkies. The masters now do so traine up their servants and youth in shooting deere, and fowle, that the youths will kill them as well as their Masters. They have two brew-houses, but they finde the Indian corne so much better than ours, they beginne to leave sowing it.6 Their Cities and Townes are onely scattered houses, they call plantations, as are our Country Villages, but no Ordnance mounted. The Forts Captaine Smith left a building, so ruined, there is scarce mention where they were; no discoveries of any thing more, than the curing of Tobacco, by which hitherto, being so present a commodity of gaine, it hathbrought them to this abundance; but that they are so disjoynted, and every one commander of himselfe, to plant what he will: they are now so well provided, that they are able to subsist; and if they would joyne together now to worke upon Sope-ashes, Iron, Rape-oile,7 Mader,8 Pitch and Tarre, Flax and Hempe; as for their Tobacco, there comes from many places such abundance, and the charge so great, it is not worth the bringing home. The present estate of Virginia 1629. Master Hutchins. Five thousand people. Five thousand cattell. Goats, Hogs, and Poultry, infinite. Good Hospitality. Commodities worth making, Blacke Walnut Ash for Pikes, Oke for planks, knees for Ships, Cipresse for Chests, etc.

There is gone, and now a going,9 divers Ships; as Captaine Perse, Captaine Prine, with Sir John Harvy to be their governour, with two or three hundred people; there is also some from Bristow, and other parts of the West Country a preparing, which I heartily pray to God to blesse, and send them a happy and prosperous voyage.

Nathaniel Causie, Master Hutchins, Master Floud, John Davis, William Emerson, Master William Barnet, Master Cooper, and others.1

FROM the Summer Iles, Master Ireland,2 and divers others report, their Forts, Ordnance, and proceedings, are much as they were in the yeare 1622. as you may read in the generall History, page 199. Captaine Woodhouse governour.3 There are few sorts of any fruits in the West Indies, but they grow there in abundance; yet the fertility of the soile in many places decayeth, being planted every yeare; for their Plantaines, which is a most delicate fruit, they have lately found a way, by pickling or drying them, to bring them over into England, there being no such fruit in Europe, and wonderfull for increase. For fish, flesh, figs, wine,4 and all sorts of most excellent hearbs, fruits, and rootes they have in abundance. In this Governours time, a kinde of Whale, or rather a Jubarta,5 was driven on shore in Southampton tribe from the west, over an infinite number of rocks, so bruised, that the water in the Bay where she lay, was all oily, and the rocks about it all bedasht with Parmacitty,6 congealed like ice, a good quantity we gathered, with which we commonly cured any byle,7 hurt, or bruise; some burnt it in their lamps, which blowing out, the very snuffe8 will burne, so long as there is any of the oile remaining, for two or three dayes together.

The next Governour, was Captaine Philip Bell,9 whose time being expired, Captaine Roger Wood1 possessed his place, a worthy Gentleman of good desert, and hathlived a long time in the Country; their numbers are about two or three thousand, men, women, and children, who increase there exceedingly; their greatest complaint, is want of apparell, and too much custome,2 and too many officers; the pity is, there are more men than women, yet no great mischiefe, because there is so much lesse pride: the cattell they have increase exceedingly; their forts are well maintained by the Merchants here, and Planters there; to be briefe, this Ile is an excellent bit, to rule a great horse. The present estate of the Summer Iles. 1629.

All the Cohow birds and Egbirds are gone; seldome any wilde cats seene; no Rats to speake of; but the wormes are yet very troublesome; the people very healthfull; and the Ravens gone; fish enough, but not so neere the shore as it used, by the much beating3 it; it is an Ile that hathsuch a rampire and a ditch, and for the quantity so manned, victualled, and fortified, as few in the world doe exceed it, or is like it.

The 22. of March, two ships came from thence; the Peter Bonaventure, neere two hundred tunnes, and sixteene peeces of Ordnance; the Captaine, Thomas Sherwin; The Master, Master Edward Some, like him in condition, a goodly, lusty, proper, valiant man: the Lydia, wherein was Master Anthony Thorne, a smaller ship; were chased by eleven ships of Dunkerk; being thus overmatched, Captaine Sherwin was taken by them in Turbay,4 only his valiant Master was slaine; the ship with about ∥ seventy English men, they carried betwixt Dover and Callis,5 to Dunkerk; but the Lydia safely recovered Dartmouth. An evill mischance. [46]

These noble adventurers for all those losses, patiently doe beare them; but they hope the King and state will understand it is worth keeping, though it afford nothing but Tobacco, and that now worth little or nothing, custome and fraught payed, yet it is worth keeping, and not supplanting; though great men feele not those losses, yet Gardiners, Carpenters, and Smiths doe pay for it.

From the relation of Robert Chesteven,6 and others.

WHEN I went first to the North part of Virginia, where the Westerly Colony had beene planted, it had dissolved it selfe within a yeare, and there was not one Christian in all the land. I was set forth at the sole charge of foure Merchants of London;7 the Country being then reputed by your westerlings, a most rockie, barren, desolate desart; but the good returne I brought from thence, with the maps and relations I made of the Country, which I made so manifest, some of them did beleeve me, and they were well embraced, both by the Londoners, and Westerlings, for whom I had promised to undertake it, thinking to have joyned them all together, but that might well have beene a worke for Hercules. betwixt them long there was much contention; the Londoners indeed went bravely forward; but in three or foure yeares, I and my friends consumed many hundred pounds amongst the Plimothians, who only fed me but with delayes, promises, and excuses, but no performance of any thing to any purpose. In the interim, many particular ships went thither, and finding my relations true, and that I had not taken that I brought home from the French men, as had beene reported; yet further for my paines to discredit me, and my calling it New England, they obscured it, and shadowed it, with the title of Cannada,8 till at my humble suit, it pleased our most Royall King Charles, whom God long keepe, blesse, and preserve, then Prince of Wales, to confirme it with my map and booke, by the title of New England; the gaine thence returning did make the fame thereof so increase, that thirty, forty, or fifty saile, went yearly only to trade and fish; but nothing would bee done for a plantation, till about some hundred, of your Brownists of England, Amsterdam, and Leyden, went to New Plimouth, whose humorous ignorances, caused them for more than a yeare, to endure a wonderfull deale of misery, with an infinite patience; saying my books and maps were much better cheape to teach them, than my selfe;9 many other have used the ∥ like good husbandry, that have payed soundly in trying their selfe-willed conclusions; but those in time doing well, divers others have in small handfulls undertaken to goe there, to be severall Lords and Kings of themselves, but most vanished to nothing; notwithstanding the fishing ships, made such good returnes, at last it was ingrossed by twenty Pattenties, that divided my map into twenty parts,1 and cast lots for their shares; but mony not comming in as they expected, procured a Proclamation, none should goe thither without their licences to fish;2 but for every thirty tunnes of shipping, to pay them five pounds; besides, upon great penalties, neither to trade with the natives, cut downe wood for their stages, without giving satisfaction, though all the Country is nothing but wood, and none to make use of it, with many such other pretences, for to make this Country plant it selfe, by its owne wealth: hereupon most men grew so discontented, that few or none would goe; so that the Pattenties, who never one of them had beene there, seeing those projects would not prevaile, have since not hindred any to goe that would, that within these few last yeares, more have gone thither than ever. Considerations about the losse of time. The effect of niggardlinesse.

Now this yeare 1629. a great company of people of good ranke,3 zeale, meanes, and quality, have made a great stocke, and with six good ships in the moneths of Aprill and May, they set saile from Thames, for the Bay of the Massachusetts, otherwise called Charles River; viz. the George Bonaventure, of twenty peeces of Ordnance, the Talbot nineteene, the Lions-whelpe eight, the May-flower fourteene, the Foure Sisters, foureteene, the Pilgrim foure, with three hundred and fifty men, women, and children; also an hundred and fifteene head of Cattell, as horse, mares, and neat beast; one and forty goats, some Conies, with all provision for houshold, and apparell; six peeces of great Ordnance for a Fort, with Muskets, Pikes, Corselets, Drums, Colours, with all provisions necessary for a plantation, for the good of man; other particulars I understand of no more, than is writ in the generall historie of those Countries. A new plantation 1629.

But you are to understand, that the noble Lord chiefe Justice Popham, Judge Doderege;4 the Right Honourable Earles of Pembroke, Southampton, Salesbury, and the rest, as I take it, they did all thinke, as I and them went with me, did; That had those two Countries beene planted,5 as it was intended, that no other nation should come plant betwixt us. If ever the King of Spaine and we should fall foule, those Countries being so capable of all materialls for shipping, by this might have beene owners of a good Fleet of ships, and to have releeved a whole Navy from England upon occasion; yea, and to have furnished England with the most Easterly commodities; and now since, seeing how conveniently the Summer Iles fell to our shares, so neere the West Indies, wee might with much more facility than the Dutchmen have invaded the West Indies, that doth now put in practice, what so long hathbeene advised on, by many an honest English States-man.

Those Countries Captaine Smith oft times used to call his children6 that never had mother; and well he might, for few fathers ever payed dearer for so little content; and for those that would truly understand, how ∥ many strange accidents hathbefallen them and him; how oft up, how oft downe, sometimes neere desperate, and ere long flourishing, cannot but conceive Gods infinite mercies and favours towards them. Had his designes beene to have perswaded men to a mine of gold, though few doth conceive either the charge or paines in refining it, nor the power nor care to defend it; or some new Invention to passe to the South Sea; or some strange plot to invade some strange Monastery:7 or some portable Countrie; or some chargeable Fleet to take some rich Caracks in the East Indies; or Letters of Mark to rob some poore Merchants; what multitudes of both people and mony, would contend to be first imployed: but in those noble endevours (now) how few of quality, unlesse it be to beg some Monopolie; and those seldome seeke the common good, but the commons goods; as you may reade at large in his generall history, page 217, 218, 219. his generall observations and reasons for this plantation;8 for yet those Countries are not so forward but they may become as miserable as ever, if better courses be not taken than is; as this Smith will plainly demonstrate to his Majesty; or any other noble person of ability, liable generously to undertake it; how within a short time to make Virginia able to resist any enemy, that as yet lieth open to all; and yeeld the King more custome within these few yeares, in certaine staple commodities, than ever it did in Tobacco; which now not being worth bringing home, the custome will bee as uncertaine to the King, as dangerous to the plantations. Notes of inconveniencie.

IT is not unknowen how that most industrious and honourable Knight Sir Walter Rauleigh,9 in the yeare of our Lord 1595. taking the Ile of Trinidado, fell with the Coast of Guiana Northward of the Line ten degrees, and coasted the Coast; and searched up the River Oranoca: where understanding that twentie severall voyages had beene made by the Spanyards, in discovering this Coast and River; to finde a passage to the great Citie of Mano,1 called by them the Eldorado, or the Golden Citie: he did his utmost to have found some better satisfaction than relations:2 But meanes failing him, hee left his trustie servant Francis Sparrow3 to seeke it, who wandring up and downe those Countreyes, some foureteene or fifteene yeares, unexpectedly returned: I have heard him say, he was led blinded into this Citie by Indians; but little discourse of any purpose touching the largenesse of the report of it; his body seeming as a man of an uncurable consumption, shortly dyed here after in England. There are above thirtie faire rivers that fall into the Sea, betweene the River of Amazons and Oranoca, which are some nine degrees asunder.4 Sparrow left to seeke the great Citie of Mano.

In the yeare 1605. Captaine Ley,5 brother to that noble Knight Sir Oliver Ley, with divers others, planted himselfe in the River Weapoco, wherein I should have beene a partie; but hee dyed, and there lyes buried, and the supply miscarrying, the rest escaped as they could. Captaine Charles Ley.

Sir Thomas Roe,6 well knowen to be a most noble Gentleman, before he went Lord Ambassadour to the Great Mogoll, or the Great Turke, spent a yeare or two upon this Coast, and about the River of the Amazones, wherein he most imployed Captaine Matthew Morton,7 an expert Sea-man in the discoverie of this famous River, a Gentleman that was the first shot and mortally supposed wounded to death, with me in Virginia, yet since hathbeene twice with command in the East Indies; Also Captaine William White,8 and divers others worthy and industrious Gentlemen, both before and since, hathspent much time and charge to discover it more perfitly,9 but nothing more effected for a Plantation, till it was undertaken by Captaine Robert Harcote, 1609. Sir Thomas Roe. Captain Morton. Captaine White.

This worthy Gentleman,1 after he had by Commission made a discoverie to his minde, left his brother Michael Harcote, with some fiftie or sixtie men in the River Weapoco, and so presently returned to England, where he obtained by the favour of Prince Henrie, a large Patent for all that Coast called Guiana, together with the famous River of Amazones, to him and his heires: but so many troubles here surprized him, though he did his best to supply them, he was not able, only some few hee sent over as passengers with certaine Dutch-men, but to small purpose. Thus this businesse lay dead for divers yeeres, till Sir Walter Rauleigh, accompanied with many valiant Souldiers and brave Gentlemen, went his last voyage to Guiana, amongst the which was Captaine Roger North,2 brother to the Right Honourable the Lord Dudley North, who upon this voyage having stayed and seene divers Rivers upon this Coast, tooke such a liking to those Countreyes, having had before this voyage more perfect and particular information of the excellencie of the great River of the Amazones, above any of the rest, by certaine Englishmen returned so rich from thence in good commodities, they would not goe with Sir Walter Rauleigh in search of gold; that after his returne for England, he endevoured by his best abilities to interest his Countrey and state in those faire Regions, which by the way of Letters Patents unto divers Noblemen and Gentlemen of qualitie, erected into a company and perpetuitie for trade and plantation, not knowing of the Interest of Captaine Harcote. Captain Harcote.

Whereupon accompanied with 120. Gentlemen and others, with a ship, a pinnace and two shallops, to remaine in the Countrey, hee set saile from Plimouth the last of April 1620,3 and within seven weekes after hee arrived well in the Amazones, only with the losse of one old man: some hundred leagues they ran up the River to settle his men, where the sight of the Countrey and people so contented them, that never men thought themselves more happie: Some English and Irish that had lived there some eight yeeres, only supplyed by the Dutch,4 hee reduced to his company and to leave the Dutch: having made a good voyage, to the value of more than the charge, he returned to England with divers good ∥ commodities besides Tobacco: So that it may well be conceived, that if this action had not beene thus crossed, the Generalitie of England had by this time beene wonne and encouraged therein. But the time was not yet come, that God would have this great businesse effected, by reason of the great power the Lord Gundamore,5 Ambassadour for the King of Spaine, had in England, to crosse and ruine those proceedings, and so unfortunate Captaine North was in this businesse, hee was twice committed prisoner to the Tower, and the goods detained, till they were spoiled, who beyond all others was by much the greatest Adventurer and Loser. Captaine Roger North.

Notwithstanding all this, those that he had left in the Amazons would not abandon the Countrey. Captaine Thomas Painton, a worthy Gentleman, his Lieutenant dead. Captaine Charles Parker, brother to the Right Honourable the Lord Morley, lived there six yeares after;6 Master John Christmas, five yeares, so well, they would not returne, although they might, with divers other Gentle-men of qualitie and others: all thus destitute of any supplyes from England. But all authoritie being dissolved, want of government did more wrong their proceedings, than all other crosses whatsoever. Some releefe they had sometime from the Dutch, who knowing their estates, gave what they pleased and tooke what they list. Two brothers Gentlemen, Thomas and William Hixon, who stayed three yeares there, are now gone to stay in the Amazons, in the ships lately sent thither. Nota bene.

The businesse thus remaining in this sort, three private men left of that Company, named Master Thomas Warriner,7 John Rhodes, and Robert Bims, having lived there about two yeares, came for England, and to be free from the disorders that did grow in the Amazons for want of Government amongst their Countrey-men, and to be quiet amongst themselves, made meanes to set themselves out for St. Christophers; their whole number being but fifteene persons, that payed for their passage in a ship going for Virginia, where they remained a yeare before they were supplyed, and then that was but foure or five men. Thus this Ile, by this small beginning, having no interruption by their owne Countrey, hathnow got the start of the Continent and maine Land of Guiana, which hathbeene layd apart and let alone untill that Captaine North, ever watching his best opportunitie and advantage of time in the state, hathnow againe pursued and set on foot his former designe. Captaine Harcote being now willing to surrender his grant, and to joyne with Captaine North, in passing a new Patent, and to erect a company for trade and plantation in the Amazons, and all the Coast and Countrey of Guiana for ever. Whereupon, they have sent this present yeare in Januarie, and since 1628. foure ships with neere two hundred persons; the first ship with 112. men, not one miscarried; the rest went since, not yet heard of, and are preparing another with their best expedition: and since Januarie is gone from Holland, 100. English and Irish, conducted by the old Planters.

This great River8 lieth under the Line, the two chiefe head lands North and South, are about three degrees asunder, the mouth of it is ∥ so full of many great and small Iles, it is an easie matter for an unexperienced Pilot to lose his way. It is held one of the greatest rivers in America, and as most men thinke, in the world: and commeth downe with such a fresh,9 it maketh the Sea fresh more than thirtie miles from the shore. Captaine North having seated his men about an hundred leagues in the Maine, sent Captaine William White, with thirtie Gentlemen and others, in a pinnace of thirtie tun, to discover further, which they did some two hundred leagues, where they found the River to divide it selfe in two parts,1 till then all full of Ilands, and a Countrey most healthfull, pleasant and fruitfull; for they found food enough, and all returned safe and in good health: In this discoverie they saw many Townes well inhabited, some with three hundred people, some with five, six, or seven hundred; and of some they understood to be of so many thousands, most differing verie much, especially in their languages: whereof they suppose by those Indians, they understand are many hundreds more, unfrequented till then by any Christian, most of them starke naked, both men, women and children, but they saw not any such giant-like women as the Rivers name importeth.2 But for those where Captaine North hathseated his company, it is not knowen where Indians were ever so kinde to any Nation, not sparing any paines, danger or labour, to feed and maintaine them. The English following their buildings, fortifications and sugar-workes; for which they have sent most expert men, and with them all things necessarie for that purpose; to effect which, they want not the helpe of those kinde Indians to produce; and many other good commodities, which (God willing) will erelong make plaine and apparent to this Kingdome, and all the Adventurers and Well-willers to this Plantation, to bee well worthy the cherishing and following with all alacritie.

MASTER Ralfe Merifield3 and others, having furnished this worthy industrious Gentleman, hee arrived at St. Christophers, as is said, with fifteene men, the 28. of Januarie, 1623. viz. William Tested, John Rhodes, Robert Bims, Master Benifield, Sergeant Jones, Master Ware, William Royle, Rowland Grascocke, Master Bond, Master Langley, Master Weaver, Edward Warner their Captaines sonne, and now Deputy-Governour till his fathers returne, Sergeant Aplon, one Sailor and a Cooke: At their arrivall they found three French-men, who sought to oppose Captaine Warner, and to set the Indians upon us; but at last we all became friends, and lived with the Indians a moneth, then we built a Fort, and a house, and planting fruits, by September we made a crop of Tobacco; but upon the nineteenth of September came a Hericano and blew it away, all this while wee lived upon Cassada bread, Potatoes, Plantines, Pines,4 ∥ Turtels, Guanes,5 and fish plentie; for drinke wee had Nicnobbie.6 1623. A Hericano.

The 18. of March 1624. arrived Captaine Jefferson with three men passengers in the Hope-well of London, with some trade for the Indians, and then we had another crop of Tobacco, in the meane time the French had planted themselves in the other end of the Ile; with this crop Captaine Warner returned for England in September, 1625. 1624.

In his absence came in a French pinnace, under the command of Monsieur de Nombe,7 that told us, the Indians had slaine some French-men in other of the Charybes Iles, and that there were six Peryagoes,8 which are huge great trees formed as your Canowes, but so laid out on the sides with boords, they will seeme like a little Gally: six of those, with about foure or five hundred strange Indians came unto us, we bade them be gone, but they would not; whereupon we and the French joyned together, and upon the fifth of November set upon them, and put them to flight: upon New-yeares Even they came againe, found three English going about the Ile, whom they slue.9 1625. Their fight with the Indians.

Until the fourth of August, we stood upon our guard, living upon the spoile and did nothing. But now Captaine Warner arriving againe with neere an hundred people, then we fell to worke and planting as before; but upon the fourth of September, came such a Hericano, as blew downe all our houses, Tobacco, and two Drums into the aire we know not whither, drove two ships on shore that were both split; all our provision thus lost, we were very miserable, living onely on what we could get in the wilde woods, we made a small party of French and English to goe aboord for provision, but in their returning home, eight French men were slaine in the harbour. 1626. A Hericano. Eight French slaine.

Thus were continued till neere June that the Tortels1 came in, 1627. but the French being like to starve, sought to surprize us, and all the Cassado, Potatos, and Tobacco we had planted, but we did prevent them. The 26. of October, came in Captaine William Smith, in the Hope-well, with some Ordnance, shot and powder, from the Earle of Carlile;2 with Captaine Pelham and thirty men, about that time also came the Plow; also a small ship of Bristow, with Captaine Warners wife, and six or seven women more. 1627.

Upon the 25. of November, the Indians set upon the French, for some injury about their women, and slew six and twentie French men, five English, and three Indians. Their weapons are bowes and arrowes; their bowes are never bent, but the string lies flat to the bow; their arrowes a small reed, foure or five foot long, headed some with the poysoned sting of the taile of a Stingray,3 some with iron, some with wood, but all so poysoned, that if they draw but bloud, the hurt is incurable. Three Indians slaine.

The next day came in Captaine Charles Saltonstall, a young Gentleman, son of Sir Samuell Saltonstall,4 who brought with him good store of all commodities to releeve the plantation; but by reason some Hollanders, and others, had bin there lately before him, who carried away with them all the Tobacco, he was forced to put away all his commodities upon trust till the next crop; in the meane time hee resolved there to stay, and imploy himselfe and his company in planting Tobacco, hoping ∥ thereby to make a voyage, but before he could be ready to returne for England, a Hericano hapning, his ship was split, to his great losse, being sole Merchant and owner himselfe, notwithstanding forced to pay to the Governour, the fift part of his Tobacco, and for fraught to England, three pence a pound, and nine pence a pound custome, which amounts together to more than threescore pound in the hundred pound, to the great discouragement of him and many others, that intended well to those plantations. Neverthelesse he is gone againe this present yeare 1629. with a ship of about three hundred tunnes, and very neere two hundred people, with Sir William Tuffton,5 Governour for the Barbados, and divers gentlemen, and all manner of commodities fit for a plantation. The arrivall of many English ships.

Captaine Prinne, Captaine Stone,6 and divers others, came in about Christmas; so that this last yeare there hathbeene about thirtie saile of English, French, and Dutch ships, and all the Indians forced out of the Ile, for they had done much mischiefe amongst the French, in cutting their throats, burning their houses, and spoyling their Tobacco; amongst the rest Tegramund,7 a little childe the Kings sonne, his parents being slaine, or fled, was by great chance saved, and carefully brought to England by Master Merifield,8 who brought him from thence, and bringeth him up as his owne children.

It9 lyeth seventeene degrees Northward of the line, about an hundred and twenty leagues from the Cape de tres Puntas, the neerest maine land in America, it is about eight leagues in length, and foure in bredth; an Iland amongst 100. Iles in the West Indies, called the Caribes, where ordinarily all them that frequent the West Indies, refresh themselves; those most of them are rocky, little, and mountainous, yet frequented with the Canibals; many of them inhabited, as Saint Domingo, Saint Mattalin,1 Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, Granada, and Margarita, to the Southward; Northward, none but Saint Christophers, and it but lately, yet they will be ranging Marigalanta, Guardalupo, Deceado,2 Monserat, Antigua, Mevis, Bernardo, Saint Martin, and Saint Bartholomew, but the worst of the foure Iles possessed by the Spanyard, as Portorico or Jamica, is better than them all; as for Hispaniola, and Cuba, they are worthy the title of two rich Kingdomes, the rest not respected by the Spanyards, for want of harbors, and their better choice of good land, and profit in the maine. But Captaine Warner,3 having beene very familiar with Captaine Painton, in the Amazon, hearing his information of this St. Christophers; and having made a yeares tryall, as it is said, returned for England, joyning with Master Merifield, and his friends, got Letters Pattents, from King James, to plant and possesse it. Since then, the Right Honourable the Earle of Carlile, hathgot Letters Pattents also, not only of that, but all the Caribes Iles about it, who is now chiefe Lord of them, and the English his tenants, that doe possesse them; over whom he appointeth such Governours and Officers, as their affaires require; and although there be a great custome imposed upon them, considering their other charges, both to feed and maintaine themselves; yet there is there, and now a going, neere upon the number of three thousand people; where by reason of the rockinesse and thicknesse of the woods in the Ile, it is ∥ difficult to passe, and such a snuffe4 of the Sea goeth on the shore, ten may better defend, than fifty assault. In this Ile are many springs, but yet water is scarce againe in many places; the valleyes and sides of the hills very fertile, but the mountaines harsh, and of a sulphurous composition; all overgrowne with Palmetas, Cotten trees, Lignum vitæ, and divers other sorts, but none like any in Christendome, except those carried thither; the aire very pleasant and healthfull, but exceeding hot, yet so tempered with coole breaths, it seemes very temperate to them, that are a little used to it; the trees being alwaies greene, the daies and nights alwayes very neere equall in length, alwayes Summer; only they have in their seasons great gusts and raines, and somtimes a Hericano, which is an overgrowne, and a most violent storme. The description of the Ile. The springs, temper, and seasons.

In some of those Iles, are cattell, goats, and hogges, but here none but what they must carry; Gwanes they have, which is a little harmelesse beast, like a Crokadell, or Aligator, very fat and good meat, she layes egges in the sand, as doth the land Crabs, which live here in abundance, like Conies in Boroughs, unlesse about May, when they come downe to the Sea side, to lay in the sand, as the other; and all their egges are hatched by the heat of the Sunne. A strange hatching of egges for beasts.

From May to September they have good store of Tortasses,5 that come out of the Sea to lay their egges in the sand, and are hatched as the other; they will lay halfe a pecke at a time, and neere a bushell erethey have done; and are round like Tenis-balls: this fish is like veale in taste, the fat of a brownish colour, very good and wholsome. We seeke them in the nights, where we finde them on shore, we turne them upon their backs, till the next day we fetch them home, for they can never returne themselves, being so hard a cart may goe over them; and so bigge, one will suffice forty or fifty men to dinner. Divers sorts of other fish they have in abundance, and Prawnes most great and excellent, but none will keepe sweet scarce twelve houres. Fish.

The best and greatest is a Passer Flaminga,6 which walking at her length is as tall as a man; Pigeons, and Turtle Doves in abundance; some Parrots, wilde Hawkes, but divers other sorts of good Sea fowle, whose names we know not. Birds.

Cassado7 is a root planted in the ground, of a wonderfull increase, and will make very good white bread, but the Juyce ranke poyson, yet boyled, better than wine; Potatos, Cabbages and Radish plenty. Roots.

Mayes,8 like the Virginia wheat; we have Pine-apples, neere so bigge as an Hartichocke, but the most daintiest taste of any fruit; Plantains, an excellent, and a most increasing fruit; Apples, Prickell Peares, and Pease, but differing all from ours. There is Pepper that groweth in a little red huske, as bigge as a Walnut, about foure inches in length, but the long cods are small, and much stronger, and better for use, than that from the East Indies. There is two sorts of Cotten, the silke Cotten as in the East Indies, groweth upon a small stalke, as good for beds as downe; the other upon a shrub, and beareth a cod bigger than a Walnut, full of Cotten wooll: Anotto9 also groweth upon a shrub, with a cod like the other, and nine or ten on a bunch, full of Anotto, very ∥ good for Dyers, though wilde; Sugar Canes, not tame, 4. or 5. foot high; also Masticke, and Locus1 trees; great and hard timber, Gourds, Muske Melons, Water Melons, Lettice, Parsly; all places naturally beare purslaine of it selfe; Sope-berries like a Musket bullet, that washeth as white as Sope; in the middle of the root is a thing like a sedge, a very good fruit, we call Pengromes;2 a Pappaw is as great as an apple, coloured like an Orange, and good to eat; a small hard nut, like a hazell nut, growes close to the ground, and like this growes on the Palmetas, which we call a Mucca3 nut; Mustard-seed will grow to a great tree, but beares no seed, yet the leaves will make good mustard; the Mancinell tree the fruit is poyson; good figs in abundance; but the Palmeta serveth to build Forts and houses, the leaves to cover them, and many other uses; the juyce we draw from them, till we sucke them to death, (is held restorative) and the top for meat doth serve us as Cabbage; but oft we want poudered4 Beefe, and Bacon, and many other needfull necessaries. Fruits.

by Thomas Simons, Rowland Grascocke, Nicholas Burgh, and others.5

THE Barbados lies South-west and by South, an hundred leagues from Saint Christophers,6 threescore leagues West and South from Trinidado, and some fourescore leagues from Cape de Salinos, the next part of the maine. The first planters brought thither by Captaine Henry Powel, were forty English, with seven or eight Negros; then he went to Disacuba7 in the maine, where he got thirty Indians, men, women, and children, of the Arawacos, enemies both to the Caribes, and the Spaniards. The Ile is most like a triangle, each side forty or fifty miles square, some exceeding great rocks, but the most part exceeding good ground; abounding with an infinite number of Swine, some Turtles, and many sorts of excellent fish; many great ponds wherein is Ducke and Mallard; excellent clay for pots, wood and stone for building, and a spring neere the middest of the Ile of Bitume,8 which is a liquid mixture like Tarre, that by the great raines falls from the tops of the mountaines, it floats upon the water in such abundance, that drying up, it remaines like great rocks of pitch, and as good as pitch for any use. A description of the Ile.

The Mancinell apple, is of a most pleasant sweet smell, of the bignesse of a Crab,9 but ranke poyson, yet the Swine and Birds have wit to shun it; great store of exceeding great Locus trees, two or three fadome about, of a great height, that beareth a cod full of meale, will make bread in time of necessity. A tree like a Pine, beareth a fruit so great as a Muske Melon, which hathalwayes ripe fruit, flowers, or greene fruit, which will refresh two or three men, and very comfortable; Plumb trees ∥ many, the fruit great and yellow, which but strained into water in foure and twenty houres will be very good drinke; wilde figge trees there are many; all those fruits doe fat the hogges, yet at some times of the yeare they are so leane, as carrion; Gwane10 trees beare a fruit so bigge as a Peare, good and wholsome; Palmetaes of three severall sorts; Papawes, Prickle Peares good to eat or make drinke; Cedar trees very tall and great; Fusticke1 trees are very great and the wood yellow, good for dying; sope berries, the kernell so bigge as a sloe, and good to eat; Pumpeons in abundance; Goards so great as will make good great bottles, and cut in two peeces good dishes and platters; many small brooks of very good water; Ginni wheat,2 Cassado, Pines and Plantaines; all things we there plant doe grow exceedingly, so well as Tobacco; the corne, pease, and beanes, cut but away the stalke, young sprigs will grow, and so beare fruit for many yeares together, without any more planting; the Ile is overgrowne with wod3 or great reeds, those wods which are soft are exceeding light and full of pitch, and those that are hard, are so hard and great, they are as hard to cut as stone. Fruits and trees.

Master John Powell4 came thither the fourth of August 1627. with forty five men, where we stayed three weeks, and then returning, left behind us about an hundred people, and his sonne John Powell for his Deputy, as Governour; but there have beene so many factions amongst them, I cannot from so many variable relations give you any certainty for their orderly Government: for all those plenties, much misery they have endured, in regard of their weaknesse at their landing, and long stay without supplies; therefore those that goe thither, it were good they carry good provision with them; but the Ile is most healthfull, and all things planted doe increase abundantly: and by this time there is, and now a going, about the number of fifteene or sixteene hundred people. Their numbers.

Sir William Curtine, and Captaine John Powell, were the first and chiefe adventurers to the planting this fortunate Ile;5 which had beene oft frequented by men of Warre to refresh themselves, and set up their shallops; being so farre remote from the rest of the Iles, they never were troubled with any of the Indies. Harbours they have none, but exceeding good Rodes, which with a small charge might bee very well fortified; it doth ebbe and flow foure or five foot, and they cannot perceive there hathever beene any Hericano in that Ile.

From the relations of Captaine John White, and Captaine Wolverstone.6

BECAUSE I have ranged and lived amongst those Ilands, what my authours cannot tell me, I thinke it no great errour in helping them to tell it my selfe. In this little Ile of Mevis, more than twenty ∥ yeares agoe, I have remained a good time together, to wod, and water and refresh my men; it is all woddy, but by the Sea side Southward there are sands like downes, where a thousand men may quarter themselves conveniently; but in most places the wod groweth close to the water side, at a high water marke, and in some places so thicke of a soft spungy wood like a wilde figge tree, you cannot get through it, but by making your way with hatchets, or fauchions: whether it was the dew of those trees, or of some others, I am not certaine, but many of our men became so tormented with a burning swelling all over their bodies, they seemed like scalded men, and neere mad with paine;8 here we found a great Poole, wherein bathing themselves, they found much ease; and finding it fed with a pleasant small streame that came out of the woods, we found the head halfe a mile within the land, distilling from a many of rocks, by which they were well cured in two or three dayes. Such factions here we had, as commonly attend such voyages, that a paire of gallowes was made, but Captaine Smith, for whom they were intended, could not be perswaded to use them; but not any one of the inventers, but their lives by justice fell into his power, to determine of at his pleasure, whom with much mercy he favoured, that most basely and unjustly would have betrayed him. The description of the Ile. The Bath.

The last yeare, 1628. Master Littleton,9 with some others got a Pattent of the Earle of Carlile, to plant the Ile called the Barbados,1 thirty leagues Northward of Saint Christophers; which by report of their informers, and undertakers, for the excellencie and pleasantnesse thereof, they called Dulcina, but when they came there, they found it such a barren rocke, they left it; although they were told as much before, they would not beleeve it, perswading themselves, those contradicters would get it for themselves, was thus by their cunning opinion, the deceiver of themselves; for seeing it lie conveniently for their purpose in a map, they had not patience to know the goodnesse or badnesse, the inconvenience nor probabilities of the quality, nor quantity; which errour doth predominate in most of our homebred adventurers, that will have all things as they conceit and would have it; and the more they are contradicted, the more hot they are; but you may see by many examples in the generall history, how difficult a matter it is, to gather the truth from amongst so many forren and severall2 relations, except you have exceeding good experience both of the Countries, people, and their conditions; and those ignorant undertakings, have beene the greatest hinderance of all those plantations. A great misprision.

At last because they would be absolute, they came to Mevis, a little Ile by Saint Christophers; where they seated themselves, well furnished with all necessaries, being about the number of an hundred, and since increased to an hundred and fifty persons, whereof many were old planters of Saint Christophers, especially Master Anthony Hinton,3 and Master Edward Tompson. But because all those Iles for most part are so capable to produce, and in nature like each other, let this discourse serve for the description of them all. Thus much concerning those plantations, which now after all this time, losse, and charge, should they be abandoned, suppressed, and dissolved, were most lamentable; and surely seeing they all strive so much about this Tobacco, and that the fraught thereof, and other charges are so great, and so open to any enemie, by that commodity they cannot long subsist. Their numbers.

And it is a wonder to me to see such miracles of mischiefes in men; how ∥ greedily they pursue to dispossesse the planters of the Name of Christ Jesus, yet say they are Christians, when so much of the world is unpossessed; yea, and better land than they so much strive for, murthering so many Christians, burning and spoiling so many cities, villages, and Countries, and subverting so many kingdomes, when so much lieth vast,4 or only possessed by a few poore Savages, that more serve the Devill for feare, than God for love; whose ignorance we pretend to reforme, but covetousnesse, humours, ambition, faction, and pride, hathso many instruments, we performe very little to any purpose; nor is there either honour or profit to be got by any that are so vile, to undertake the subversion, or hinderance of any honest intended christian plantation.

Now to conclude the travels and adventures of Captaine Smith;5 how first he planted Virginia, and was set ashore with about an hundred men in the wilde woods; how he was taken prisoner by the Savages, by the King of Pamaunke tied to a tree to be shot to death, led up and downe their Country to be shewed for a wonder; fatted as he thought, for a sacrifice for their Idoll,6 before whom they conjured him three dayes, with strange dances and invocations, then brought him before their Emperor Powhatan, that commanded him to be slaine; how his daughter Pocahontas saved his life, returned him to James towne, releeved him and his famished company, which was but eight and thirty to possesse those large dominions; how he discovered all the severall nations, upon the rivers falling into the Bay of Chisapeacke; stung neere to death with a most poysoned taile of a fish called Stingray:7 how Powhatan out of his Country tooke the kings of Pamaunke and Paspahegh prisoners, forced thirty nine of those kings to pay him contribution, subjected all the Savages: how Smith was blowne up with gunpowder, and returned for England to be cured. Certaine exploits of Captaine Smith.

Also how hee brought our new England to the subjection of the kingdome of great Britaine; his fights with the Pirats, left alone amongst a many French men of Warre, and his ship ran from him; his Sea-fights for the French against the Spaniards; their bad usage of him; how in France in a little boat he escaped them; was adrift all such a stormy night at Sea by himselfe, when thirteene French Ships were split, or driven on shore by the Ile of Ree,8 the generall and most of his men drowned, when God to whom be all honour and praise, brought him safe on shore to all their admirations that escaped; you may read at large in his generall history of Virginia, the Summer Iles, and New England.

AS in all lands where there are many people, there are some theeves, so in all Seas much frequented, there are some pyrats; the most ancient within the memory of threescore yeares was one Callis,1 who most refreshed himselfe upon the Coast of Wales; Clinton and Pursser2 his companions, who grew famous, till Queene Elizabeth of blessed memory, hanged ∥ them at Wapping; Flemming3 was as expert and as much sought for as they, yet such a friend to his Country, that discovering the Spanish Armado, he voluntarily came to Plimouth, yeelded himselfe freely to my Lord Admirall, and gave him notice of the Spaniards comming; which good warning came so happily and unexpectedly, that he had his pardon, and a good reward; some few Pirats there then remained; notwithstanding it is incredible how many great and rich prizes the little barques of the West Country daily brought home, in regard of their small charge; for there are so many difficulties in a great Navy, by wind and weather, victuall, sicknesse, losing and finding one another, they seldome defray halfe the charge: but for the grace, state, and defence of the Coast and narrow Seas, a great Navy is most necessary, but not to attempt any farre voyage, except there be such a competent stocke, they want not wherewith to furnish and supply all things with expedition; but to the purpose. The difficulties of a great Navie.

After the death of our most gracious Queene Elizabeth, of blessed memory, our Royall King James, who from his infancy had reigned in peace with all Nations; had no imployment for those men of warre, so that those that were rich rested with that they had; those that were poore and had nothing but from hand to mouth, turned Pirats; some, because they became sleighted of those for whom they had got much wealth; some, for that they could not get their due; some, that had lived bravely, would not abase themselves to poverty; some vainly, only to get a name; others for revenge, covetousnesse, or as ill; and as they found themselves more and more oppressed, their passions increasing with discontent, made them turne Pirats. What occasioneth Pirats.

Now because they grew hatefull to all Christian Princes, they retired to Barbary, where although there be not many good Harbours, but Tunis, Argier, Sally,4 Mamora, and Tituane, there are many convenient Rodes, or the open Sea, which is their chiefe Lordship: For their best harbours Massalqueber,5 the townes of Oran, Mellila, Tanger, and Cuta, within the Streights, are possessed by the Spaniards; without the Streights they have also Arzella,6 and Mazagan; Mamora likewise they have lately taken, and fortified. Ward a poore English sailer, and Dansker a Dutchman,7 made first here their Marts, when the Moores knew scarce how to saile a ship; Bishop8 was Ancient, and did little hurt; but Easton9 got so much, as made himselfe a Marquesse in Savoy; and Ward lived like a Bashaw in Barbary; those were the first that taught the Moores to be men of warre. Gennings,1 Harris, Tompson, and divers others, were taken in Ireland, a Coast they much frequented, and died at Wapping. Hewes, Bough, Smith, Walsingam, Ellis, Collins, Sawkwell, Wollistone, Barrow, Wilson, Sayres, and divers others, all these were Captaines amongst the Pirats, whom King James mercifully pardoned; and was it not strange, a few of these should command the Seas. Notwithstanding the Malteses, the Pope, Florentines, Genoeses, French, Dutch, and English, Gallies, and Men of Warre, they would rob before their faces, and even at their owne Ports, yet seldome more than three, foure, five or six in a Fleet: many times they had very good ships, and well manned, but commonly in such factions amongst themselves, and so riotous, quarrellous,2 treacherous, blasphemous, and villanous, it is more than a wonder they could so long continue, to doe so much mischiefe; and all they got, they basely consumed it amongst Jewes, Turks, Moores, and whores. Their chiefe randevouz. Their conditions.

The best was, they would seldome goe to Sea, so long as they could ∥ possibly live on shore, being compiled3 of English, French, Dutch, and Moores, (but very few Spanyards, or Italians) commonly running one from another, till they became so disjoynted, disordered, debawched, and miserable, that the Turks and Moores beganne to command them as slaves, and force them to instruct them in their best skill, which many an accursed runnagado,4 or Christian turned Turke did, till they have made those Sally men, or Moores of Barbary so powerfull as they be, to the terror of all the Straights, and many times they take purchase5 in the maine Ocean, yea sometimes even in the narrow Seas in England, and those are the most cruell villaines in Turkie, or Barbarie; whose natives are very noble, and of good natures, in comparison of them.6 Runnagados.

To conclude, the misery of a Pirate (although many are as sufficient Sea-men as any) yet in regard of his superfluity,7 you shall finde it such, that any wise man would rather live amongst wilde beasts, than them; therefore let all unadvised persons take heed, how they entertaine that quality; and I could wish Merchants, Gentlemen, and all setters forth of ships, not to bee sparing of a competent pay, nor true payment; for neither Souldiers nor Sea-men can live without meanes, but necessity will force them to steale; and when they are once entered into that trade, they are hardly reclaimed. Those titles of Sea-men and Souldiers, have beene most worthily honoured and esteemed, but now regarded for most part, but as the scumme of the world; regaine therefore your wonted reputations, and endevour rather to adventure to those faire plantations of our English Nation; which however in the beginning were scorned and contemned, yet now you see how many rich and gallant people come from thence, who went thither as poore as any Souldier or Sailer, and gets more in one yeare, than you by Piracie in seven. I intreat you therefore to consider, how many thousands yearely goe thither; also how many Ships and Sailers are imployed to transport them, and what custome they yearely pay to our most Royall King Charles, whose prosperity and his Kingdomes good, I humbly beseech the immortall God ever to preserve and increase. Advertisements for wilde heads.

FINIS.

[There is some disagreement about the respective contributions of the two artists involved with this illustration. In the lower left of compartment eight, the legend clearly reads: "Marten Dr[oeshout] sculptor" (engraver). In compartment two, the title reads: "Part of the Travels of Capt. John Smith a mongst Turkes, Tartars, and others extracted out of the History by John Payn." Wilberforce Eames comments: "The plate of Smith's adventures was drawn by John Payne, and engraved by Martin Droeshout" (Joseph Sabin et al. eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX [New York, 1927–1928], 260). Arthur M. Hind notes, however, "The plate is signed by Martin Droeshout ..., and Payne's task must have been confined to choosing the subjects to be illustrated" (Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: A Descriptive Catalogue with Introductions [Cambridge, 1952–1964], III, 25).

Martin Droeshout was baptized in 1601 and is chiefly known today for his famous portrait of Shakespeare (done seven years after Shakespeare's death). John Payne, a near contemporary, had been associated with Simon and Willem van de Passein his youth and "enjoyed a contemporary reputation" (ibid., 6–7).

The nine compartments may well have been intended to be cut up and pasted on inserts in the text (see the British Library copy, Grenville 7195). Two deserve special mention. Compartment one: the map that was copied is reversed in the engraving, so that Algiers and Toulon appear east of Tunis and Nice, respectively, though they lie to the west, cartographically. Compartment four: the first line of the heading was altered in a later state to read, "His three single Combats before Regall in Transilvania" (Sabin, Dictionary, 260).

Note that James Reeve, the printer, also printed the altered state of Smith's map of New England that accompanied the Generall Historie in 1624 (see note to map in Description of New England).]

1. Chap. 1 seems to have been prepared hastily, perhaps from random notes, after chaps. 2–20 were ready for the press (see p. 3n, below), and possibly even after Aug. 29, 1629, when the book was entered for publication. The chapter consists of one long paragraph that suffers from obviously faulty chronology. To correct this, the editor has divided it into paragraphs and indicated their proper chronological sequence by means of editorial reconstruction in the footnotes.

2. The phrase "and three pence" does not occur in the text of the chapter.

3. The parish register of St. Helen's Church, Willoughby by Alford, contains the following entry: "Iōhes smith filius Georgie smith baptizatus fuit ixth die Ianuarie Anno supradicto [1580 (Old Style, 1579)]."

4. In the absence of surviving official records, it can be said only that "it is ... claimed that Captain John Smith ... attended Alford Grammar School" (A[lan] S. Hackett, comp., The Story of Queen Elizabeth I's Grammar School, Alford, Lincolnshire, 1566– 1966 [Alford, 1966]), and that it has long been believed that Smith attended the King Edward VI Grammar School, Louth (see, inter alia, Elsie Gooding, From Virginia to Willoughby to Remember the Great Capt. John Smith [Alford, 1960]).

5. See note to the illustration of Smith's coat of arms, following the facsimile title page, above.

6. This paragraph should probably read as follows: "When he was about thirteene yeeres of age [in 1593], his minde being even then set upon brave adventures, [he] sould his Satchell, bookes, and all he had, intending secretly to get to Sea, but that his father stayed him. About the age of fifteene yeeres [1595] hee was bound an Apprentice to Master Thomas Sendall of Linne [King's Lynn], the greatest Merchant of all those parts, but because hee would not presently send him to Sea, he never saw his master in eight yeeres after. His parents [father's] dying [1596] left him a competent meanes, which hee not being capable to manage, little regarded. But now the Guardians of his estate more regarding it than him, he had libertie enough, though no meanes, to get beyond the Sea."

7. George Smith was buried Apr. 3, 1596. In due course his estate was inventoried, and on Feb. 19, 1597, it was appraised. By that time, John Smith's mother was remarried to one Martin Johnson (see the supporting documents in the Lincolnshire Archives, Lincoln, INV/87/250).

8. This probably refers to the "supervisor" or executor of George Smith's will, George Metham (see the Biographical Directory), who was connected by marriage with the Bertie family (see n, below).

9. See the Biographical Directory.

10. The paragraph beginning "At last he found meanes ..." suffers principally from Smith's eagerness to introduce the Bertie family, with some resultant confusion about the sequence of events. It may be reconstructed as follows: "Who [his guardians] when he came from [for?] London they liberally gave him (but out of his owne estate) ten shillings to be rid of him. Arriving at Roane [Rouen], seeing his money neere spent, downe the River he went to Haver de grace [Le Havre], where he first began to learne the life of a souldier: he went with Captaine Joseph Duxbury into the Low-countries, under whose Colours having served three or foure yeeres, peace being concluded in France, [he returned to England.] At last he found meanes to attend Master Perigrine Barty [Bertie] into France [1599], second sonne to the Right Honourable Perigrine, that generous and famous Souldier, Lord Willoughby, where comming to his brother Robert, then at Orleans, now Earle of Lin[d]sey, and Lord great Chamberlaine of England; being then but little youths under Tutorage: his service being needlesse, within a moneths or six weekes they sent him backe againe to his friends. But those two Honourable Brethren gave him sufficient to returne for England. But it was the least thought of his determination, for now being freely at libertie in Paris, growing acquainted with one Master David Hume, who making some use of his purse, gave him Letters to his friends in Scotland to preferre [introduce] him to King James. He [then] tooke his journey for Scotland, to deliver his Letters."

1. Usually spelled "Bertie," though locally pronounced "Barty." Peregrine the younger left London sometime after June 26, 1599, when a license was granted to him to travel for three years. See the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Bertie, Robert."

2. David Hume was a distant cousin of a well-to-do Scottish nobleman who was a friend of the Berties (see the Biographical Directory, and Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith [Boston, 1964], 12). King James, of course, was not yet king of England.

3. Peace was concluded in France in 1598. Captain Duxbury's identity has not yet been determined.

4. Enkhuizen, the Netherlands, whence many fishing fleets sailed for Scotland (and still do); presumably Smith had found some sort of coastal vessel to convey him to the Netherlands from Le Havre. Leith is the port of Edinburgh, only an hour's hike from Holyrood Palace.

5. Berwick, the northernmost fort on England's E coast before the Scottish border. Robert Bertie's father was governor there (though he may have been away at the time), and Robert had charged Smith with reporting to him "tout au long l'état de nous et de nos affaires" (from an undated letter to Lord Willoughby, Ancaster MSS, Lincolnshire Archives). Since there is no mention of Robert's charge in Smith's writings, the wreck and his sickness at the Holy Isle of Lindisfarne may have put it out of his mind.

6. Ripweth, or Rippeth (now Redpath) is the name of some five places in the neighborhood, one of which is but 9 mi. from Berwick. Broxmouth is 2 mi. from Dunbar.

7. Sponsors.

8. That is to say, not in his armor.

9. Niccolò Machiavelli, The Arte of Warre ..., trans. Peter Whitehorne (London, 1560). On the basis of sundry entries in Lord Willoughby's various account books, it is fair to surmise that books of this type were available in his library (based on a letter to the editor from Mrs. Joan Varley, Feb. 5, 1959, Lincolnshire Archives Office, Lincoln).

10. The so-called "Meditations" of Marcus Aurelius were first translated directly into English from the original Greek by Méric Casaubon (son of a Huguenot émigré) and published in London in 1634. The "Marcus Aurelius" to which Smith refers must have been Thomas North's translation of Antonio de Guevara's The Diall of Princes ... (London, 1557). (See Aurelius Antoninus, Marcus, in the Biographical Directory.) Worthy of note here is the comment in George Long's translation of The Thoughts of the Emperor M. Aurelius Antoninus, rev. ed. (London, 1887 [orig. publ. 1862]), 26–27: "The little book of Antoninus has been the companion of some great men. Machiavelli's Art of War and Marcus Antoninus were the two books which were used when he was a young man by Captain John Smith, and he could not have found two writers better fitted to form the character of a soldier and a man."

1. Cf. the common phrase "a gentleman and his man"; here "the man" was undoubtedly just some local youth enthralled by Smith's tales.

2. The people of the countryside.

3. Theodore Paleologue appears to have been a collateral descendant of Constantine XI, last Roman emperor of the East. Paleologue became riding master to Henry Clinton, earl of Lincoln, in 1598 or 1599, but left Tattershall briefly to marry Mary Balls at Cottingham, near Hull, Yorkshire, on May 1, 1600 (see nn, below).

4. Reports, tales, anecdotes. It may well have been Smith's legal guardian who urged Paleologue to ingratiate himself with the "hermit."

5. The keep of Tattershall Castle still stands awesomely in a great plain, not 20 mi. SW of Willoughby.

6. The combination of Paleologue's brief absence and the news of the great battle of Nieuport in the Netherlands on June 22, 1600, probably was the immediate cause of Smith's departure (cf. the beginning of chap. 2, below).

7. Basically, chaps. 2–20 are a reprint of "The Travels and Adventures of Captaine John Smith in divers parts of the world, begun about the yeere 1596." This work forms chap. 11 of pt. I, bk. viii, of Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London, 1625), II, 1361–1370, which was fairly certainly in print by 1624. Whether Purchas had cut a number of passages (mostly brief sentences) that Smith restored, or whether Smith added the passages in 1629, cannot be known. Significant differences will be noted below. The entire Purchas version is reprinted as Fragment J at the end of this volume.

8. Smith's urge to fight the Turks could well have been born of Paleologue's tales; Tattershall Castle itself antedated the fall of Constantinople.

9. The final piously alliterative clause does not appear in the Purchas version. Attention will not be called to expansions of this sort hereafter.

10. Probably printed "villan" instead of "villany" because of lack of space.

1. The name of the "lord," Depreau, appears in a marginal note in the Purchas version. See Barbour, Three Worlds, 17–27, for an expanded narrative of what probably took place in the period covered by Smith's chaps. 2–3. As for the names of the Frenchmen (see the next paragraph), Curzianvere (or Currianver) may possibly be derived from a mishearing of the village name Clécy (-sur-Orne), 36 air km. (22–23 mi.) NE of Vire. The other names specifically occur in French sources, though the individuals cannot be identified.

2. The duke "of Mercury" was Philippe-Emmanuel de Lorraine, duke of Mercoeur, who was a brother-in-law of Henry III of France, a second cousin of Mary Queen of Scots, and a cousin by marriage of Rudolph II of the Holy Roman Empire, who made Mercoeur a general in the imperial army. His name appears often in the following pages (see the Biographical Directory). The duchess was then living in or near Paris, probably at Anet, on the Eure River, N of Chartres.

3. Apparently a mishearing or misprint for "cardecu" ("cardakew" in Thomas Coryate's Coryats Crudities; Hastily gobled up in five Moneths travells ... [London, 1611], 69), the usual English spelling of French quart d'écu, then valued at one shilling and sixpence, but evidently considered almost worthless by John Smith. In any case, it is unclear why he had to "pay for his passage" under such circumstances.

4. This seems to be Mortain (Manche) rather than Mortagne (Orne). Though Mortain is in Normandy, it is near the Breton border, while Mortagne is much farther E.

5. The places mentioned are Dieppe, Caudebec, Honfleur, and Pont-Audemer. Caen was often anglicized as Cane.

6. The following passage is much curtailed in the Purchas version.

7. Colombiers, Larchamp, and Chasseguey are identifiable surnames; no individual identities have been established.

8. Pontorson and Dinan; only the latter is in Brittany.

9. The reference is to Amaury II Gouyon, count of Plouër, and below, to his younger brothers, Charles, viscount of Pommerit, and Jacques, baron of Marcé (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 21, and the Biographical Directory).

10. Saint-Brieuc. Lannion is easily recognizable, and among the place-names that follow perhaps only "Tuncadeck" (Tonquédec), "Gingan" (Guingamp), and "Raynes" (Rennes) need be clarified (there is an interesting old picture of the castle at Tonquédec in La Grande Encyclopédie ... [Paris, 1886–1902], VII, 1159).

1. The Purchas version adds "Poundegale" after Nimes. This must be the famous Roman aqueduct called Pont du Gard, some 14 mi. (20-odd km.) NE of Nîmes. "Marcellos" is probably a misprint for "Marseilles."

2. "The little Isle of S. Mary" appears to have been the Isle de Maire, an uninhabited island c. 6 mi. (9 km.) S of Marseilles that produced nothing beyond scant pasturage as reported for 1639–1640 (Adolphe Crémieux, Marseille et la royauté pendant la minorité de Louis XIV (1643–1660) [Paris, 1917], 83–84n). "Against" here means merely "toward or en route to" (cf. "ad Urbem Regalem," pp. 15, 17n, below). On the behavior of "the inhumane Provincialls," cf. Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, trans. Siân Reynolds (New York, 1972 [rev. ed. orig. publ. Paris, 1966]), I, 104–105.

3. As yet unidentified.

4. "Cape Rosata" was undoubtedly Cape Ras et Tin, just E of Derna, Libya, and not Rosetta in the Nile Delta, where the key to ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs was found. Below, "Scandaroone" was subsequently known as Alexandretta and is now called Iskenderun, "the best harbor between Istanbul and Alexandria." In the days when "Captaine la Roche" was viewing "what ships was in the Roade," Iskenderun was unhealthy and later had to be temporarily abandoned because of what may have been malarial fever (Braudel, Mediterranean World, I, 65, 65n).

5. Perhaps read: "They lay to there, and againe for a few dayes." The "Archipellagans" obviously refers to the islands of the Archipelago, in the Aegean Sea between Greece and Turkey (Smith seems to have been familiar with a French adjective derived from early 17th-century French archipelague). "Candia" was an old name for Crete, and "Zaffalonia" was an early English form for Cephalonia, modern Greek Kefallinia.

6. An argosy was a kind of carrack, or any large merchant vessel. The name "argosy" comes from the republic of Ragusa (called Arragosa or Arragourse in English), which was the rival of Venice for a short while and is now known as Dubrovnik, Yugoslavia.

7. The Breton captain, La Roche, and sometimes the entire ship and crew. For pertinent background, see Braudel, Mediterranean World, I, 103–108, ending with a highly germane comment: "Everyday coastal shipping has untiringly spun threads ... which may pass unnoticed in the great movements of history." See ibid., 125–133, for relevant material on the Adriatic Sea, with maps on pp. 112–114.

8. Though the "exchange rate" of various currencies was chaotic at the time, it can be said that piaster was the Italian name for the Spanish peso duro (piece of eight, dollar); Venetian zecchini were gold coins worth seven to nine shillings; and sultanies, or sultanons, were Turkish gold pieces valued at eight shillings or better (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 404, n. 3). Note that the ship's tonnage, as estimated by Smith below, seems relatively small for an argosy.

9. Galleys with their oarsmen and powerful armament could prove dangerous to a ship dependent on sails for propulsion. These galleys were undoubtedly Spanish, hence enemies. For galleys in general, consult John Francis Guilmartin, Jr., Gunpowder and Galleys: Changing Technology and Mediterranean Warfare at Sea in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1974), 32, 98. On Messina, see Barbour, Three Worlds, 133–134.

1. Antibes, in Piedmont, was in the territory of the dukes of Savoy in Smith's day and was called Antibo.

2. Leghorn (Italian, Livorno) had just begun to buzz with commercial activity when Smith was there, not later than early 1601. A detailed census taken in 160: shows a total population of nearly 5,000, including 762 soldiers and 76 "young prostitutes" (Fernand Braudel and Ruggiero Romano, Navires et marchandises à l'entrée du port de Livourne (1547–1611) [Paris, 1951], 21).

3. Investigation in the various archives in Siena has so far failed to reveal any pertinent documentation of this incident, and nothing has yet appeared in the Ancaster papers in the Lincolnshire Archives. Nevertheless, such a fray would not have been unlikely, considering the times and the known prickliness of young Peregrine Bertie.

4. The Purchas version is somewhat shorter here, and there is no mention of Father Parsons. Yet Parsons seems to have been the man who put young Smith in touch with the Irish Jesuit in Graz, Austria (see below). The simplest explanation of Smith's moves would be to assume that his theological luggage rested lightly on his shoulders, despite his puritanical habits and his obvious inclination to conform with the Church of England. Smith's career, which begins at this point, may be profitably compared with that of Thomas Arundell, 20 years his senior, who was created count of the Holy Roman Empire by Rudolph II in 1595 for valor in the field; similarly, Smith was granted the right to bear arms by Zsigmond Báthory in 1603 for defeating three Turkish captains in as many duels.

5. Siena.

6. The circuitousness of Smith's route from Venice to Capodistria, just across the northern tip of the Adriatic Sea, was most likely caused by an outbreak of maritime guerrilla warfare between Slavic Christians, who were refugees from the Turks, and the Venetian republic (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 25–26). The place-names are, more correctly: Slovenia, Ljubljana, Graz, and Styria. Almania is an old name for Germany, though the Purchas version's "Almaine" is a more common spelling.

7. A good deal has been made of this statement by at least one sound modern scholar. For a discussion of the points at issue, see Fragment J, 1363n, where an attempt has been made to identify persons and places.

8. In the Purchas version, chaps. 4–11 are attributed to one Francisco Ferneza (see the editor's Introduction to and pp. 1363–1364nn of Fragment J). Here the attribution is made only in a marginal note on p. 22. In the Purchas version Ferneza's "Storie" is printed in italics and the end is indicated by a return to roman type. Here the account ends on p. 22 with a colon, followed by an expostulation worthy of John Smith at his best.

9. The location of Smith's "Olumpagh" (Purchas version, "Olimpach") has been established by the editor's on-the-spot surveys, coupled by recorded evidence in local archives (see Fragment J for details). The town is now known as Lendava and is not over 2 mi. (3 km.) from the present Yugoslav-Hungarian frontier. This was the Alsölendva (Lower Limbach) of contemporary maps. Felsölendva (Upper Limbach), nearly 25 mi. (40 km.) NW, is ruled out by orographical as well as other reasons.

1. Here the meaning is merely "device, artifice."

2. Nagykanizsa (English, Great Kanizsa) was an important fortress nearly 30 mi. (48 km.) E by S of Lendava in what is now Hungary. It had been lost to the Turks late in Oct. 1600.

3. Procedure, code. Lord Ebersbaught, mentioned at the end of chap. 3, was the governor and friend.

4. This topographical detail confirms the location of the Turkish raid (see Fragment J, 1364).

5. Smith's immediate source for this system seems to have been Peter Whithorne (or Whitehorne), who added to his translation of Machiavelli's Arte of Warre an appendix, "Certain waies ...," chap. 41 of which explains the whole system. (Some investigators have suggested instead William Bourne's Inventions or Devises ... [London, 1578], 61.) For further details, see Barbour, Three Worlds, 27, 407, n. 6. Below the alphabets, note that a link was a torch of tow and pitch then much used for lighting the way along dark streets.

6. The Purchas version, p. 1364, has "twentie thousand."

7. The river was evidently the Krka (formerly Kerka), a tributary of the Mur (Mura) c. 6 mi. (10 km.) E of Lendava.

8. Undoubtedly Eisenburg is meant ("Eysnaburge" in the Purchas version, p. 1364), the German name for Vasvar, a fort on the Raab (Rába) River, below Körmend, and 40 mi. (65 km.) NE of Lendava. There had been Christian troop movements in this area for some time, especially after mid-Sept. 1600.

1. Assuming that this was translated from Italian, the original probably read "alla rinfusa," which would be "pell-mell" in English.

2. On "Knousbruck," see "Konbrucke" in the Purchas version (Fragment J, 1364, 1364n). In Smith's day few Englishmen knew how to swim, and even a Turkish soldier was lost if heavily armored (cf. Michael West, "Spenser, Everard Digby, and the Renaissance Art of Swimming," Renaissance Quarterly, XXVI [1973], 11–22).

3. Körmend, on the Raab River; see the Purchas version (Fragment J, 1364n).

4. The Purchas version has only "Colonell Meldrich" (1364). Smith's "Volda/ Voldo" may have been an invention.

5. Stuhlweissenburg is the German name for Hungarian Szekesfehervar (Latin, Alba Regia), the coronation and burial place of the kings of Hungary. Having escaped the Mongol invaders in the 13th century, it fell into the hands of the Ottomans in 1543.

6. This was Hermann Christof, Graf von Russworm. For an account of the siege and its aftermath, see Barbour, Three Worlds, 33–36.

7. See p. 3n, above; and the Purchas version, 1364, for the parallel account in earlier form.

8. "Gonzago" was Ferrante II Gonzaga, count of Guastalla (duke after 1621), second cousin of Vincenzo Gonzaga, the duke of Mantua referred to just above (see the Biographical Directory).

1. Giorgio Basta, an Italian commander of Albanian descent (see the Biographical Directory).

2. The figures seem high. Note that Mercoeur led his troops from Komarom at least 60 km. (nearly 40 mi.) to Szekesfehervar unseen and unreported in Budapest, which was only 80 km. (50 mi.) away and at the time was occupied by the Turks.

3. Bohemians, Czechs; cf. German Böhme, a Bohemian.

4. The detail about Colonel Grandvile is not in the Purchas version; it was added here, perhaps gratuitously, perhaps a real recollection.

5. Something seems to be missing in the original account of the "fiery Dragons" (see Fragment J, 1364n). The name was apparently coined by Smith.

6. Judging by this, it would seem that Smith spent the winter of 1600–1601 in Komarom (at the junction of the Danube with the Vah [German, Waag], now Komarno, Czechoslovakia); see ibid. This important fort was about 160 km. (100 mi.) down the Raab from Körmend (see p. 7n, above).

7. The Buda (or Pest) Gate was on the E of the city. Mercoeur's camp was on dry ground to the N. The attack planned by Russworm (see p. 9) was through the marshes W of the city. By setting fire to the suburbs by the Buda Gate, Mercoeur would distract the attention of the defenders.

8. The rest of this chapter, excepting the last clause, is not in the Purchas version. It is possible that Purchas deleted the passage as too "tedious." Smith seems to have refreshed his memory here by referring to Richard Knolles, The Generall Historie of the Turkes ... (London, 1603), 1135–1136. The phrasing, however, is clearly his own. "Segeth" is the suburb of Sziget ("Island"); below, bavins were bundles of lightweight brushwood.

9. The correct Turkish form is paşa, the stress falling on the last syllable; most commonly in English, "pasha."

1. The Purchas version has "more then fiftie yeares" (p. 1364).

2. Hasan Pasha (called Yemişçi, "the Fruiterer") was promoted from deputy to grand vizier and commander in chief in Hungary, July 21, 1601. He set out from Istanbul 19 days later and by forced marches reached Zemun (Belgrade) about Sept. 5. He had led an army 1,000 km. (over 600 mi.) across mountains and rivers only to be led astray by mistaken intelligence to Budapest instead of Szekesfehervar. From there, he turned back to remedy the error, but he was too late (see Joseph von Hammer, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches ... [Pest, 1827–1835], IV, 314). The name of the "viceroy" of Pest was Mankirkuschi Mohammed Efendi (ibid.; the spelling is Hammer's), who had replaced Murad Pasha (Smith's "Amaroz"), apparently unbeknown to many Turks, as well as to the Christian forces.

3. The name "Girke," not mentioned in the Purchas version, is an excellent illustration of Smith's attempts to refresh his memory. Recalling the battle fought near Szekesfehervar three weeks after the fall of that city, he found on a map the homophonic name of a place 6o-odd km. (c. 40 mi.) S, now called Györköny. Historically this was impossible, but it was all he could find. The battle is recorded, however, as taking place on Oct. 15, 1601, in Charka Bogazi, which means merely "Skirmish Gorge" — it is not on any map available up to the time of writing. A sketch of the battle was found by the editor some years ago, which confirms a large part of Smith's romanticized account (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 35–36, 408, n. 2, and prints following p. 268).

4. Properly speaking, a sanjak (Turkish, sancak, with the c pronounced as an English j) was a military cavalry district, governed by a sanjak bey. Here Smith is undoubtedly referring to a cavalry officer. His identity is unknown.

5. The basic facts are found in the Purchas version, 1365. The details are in Knolles, Historie of the Turkes, 1136. The question arises, who borrowed from whom? The editor suspects that there was a common source for both, not mentioned by either.

6. Smith's account of the aftermath of the battle is confused and largely mistaken. Several detailed accounts, none of which was available to Smith, agree that Hasan Pasha first retired to Palota, 20 km. (12 mi.) W of Szekesfehervar, where his army dug in for the winter, then betook himself to Nagykanizsa, where Russworm was soon sent (see a few lines below). Note that Smith's "Zigetum" was most likely modern Szigetvar, c. 110 km. (70 mi.) SE of Nagykanizsa by modern roads.

7. This paragraph, dedicated to the duke of Mercoeur, reads almost as if it had been written by Michel Baudier, historiographer of Louis XIII of France (see his Inventaire de l'histoire généralle des Turcs [Paris, 1617], 693–611). For an account from the Turkish point of view, see Hammer, Geschicnte des Osmanischen Reiches, IV, 315–319; Knolles provides a less glamorous story in Historie of the Turkes, 1137–1138.

8. Hungarian Esztergom, German Gran; taken by the Ottoman army in 1543, it was liberated in 1595 only to be recaptured in 1604.

9. Michael the Brave (Mihai Viteazul), voivode of Walachia, joined forces with General Basta to defeat Zsigmond Bathory, prince of Transylvania, Aug. 13, 1601, only to be assassinated by order of Basta six days later, on trumped-up charges of plotting with the sultan against the Holy Roman emperor (see Ştefan Olteanu, Les Pays roumains à l'époque de Michel le Brave (l'union de 1600) [Bucharest, 1975], 139). Zsigmond had turned up in Brasov, Transylvania, and received a certain recognition from Istanbul (early Oct. 1601), and Mercoeur had fled from the winter's cold in the swampy environs of Nagykanizsa. Basta was made commander in chief of the imperial forces on Jan. 20, 1602. Zsigmond backtracked a little. Mercoeur died suddenly on Feb. 17 in Nuremberg, on his way to France to enlist additional troops. Shortly thereafter Zsigmond had another change of heart. With that, we may leave the story to John Smith (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 41–44, and the Purchas version [Fragment J, 1363–1365nn], for a few minor revisions of the editor's earlier studies).

1. For a reexamination of this passage, see the Purchas version (Fragment J, 1365n).

2. See the Purchas version, ibid.

3. Veltus is mentioned again on pp. 19–22, but does not appear in the much condensed Purchas version. A village called Völcz (Hungarian) or Wöltz[en] (German) is recorded c. 9 km. (6 mi.) NW of Medias, then and now an important highway junction in central Transylvania. "Colonell Veltus" may have come from Völcz. For a conjecture regarding the events narrated on pp. 12–13, see Barbour, Three Worlds, 44–49. A summary of the latest research is given in the notes to the Purchas version (Fragment J, 1365–1366).

4. A sconce was a small fort, usually built in a pass (borrowed from early modern Dutch schans).

5. The Purchas version has "about one hundred and fiftie were slaine" (p. 1365).

6. Mózes Székely had been a captain under Zsigmond Báthory's uncle, King István Báthory of Poland (1533–1586). As indicated by his name, transcribed by Smith last name first, according to Hungarian custom, he was a Szekler, one of the three "nations" of Transylvania (the others being the Hungarians and the Saxons, since the Rumanian peasants did not count).

7. The Purchas version (p. 1365) has "foure thousand Foote"; there are further numerical discrepancies below.

8. The meaning of "fear" here is almost certainly "frighten"; the Purchas version (p. 1365) has "they did more feare [frighten] then hurt them."

9. This clause is not in the Purchas version. Smith's meaning apparently is that the Turks' artillery was a pledge of battle, and no battle was forthcoming.

1. This name could be merely Smith's misunderstanding: a başt was a Turkish officer; some such phrase as türk başt could have meant "a Turkish captain."

2. This phrase, found also in the Purchas version, is a clear hint that Ferneza's book was used as a source.

3. In battle array.

4. Probably a wind instrument similar to the hautboy or oboe. See p. 22, below.

5. The Janissaries (Turkish yeni çeri, new militia) were the crack infantry troops of the Ottoman army.

6. Face guard of the helmet.

7. Such names as "Grualgo," "Bonny Mulgro," and others below have led some Rumanian and Turkish scholars to label this work of Smith's fantaisiste — fanciful. It is true that the names are Smith's invention — he had undoubtedly forgotten the actual names, if he ever knew them, but no event referred to here is without historical basis.

8. A passage at arms was an exchange of blows.

9. Broadly, a piece of armor; a breastplate or backplate, or an additional plate worn over the cuirass.

1. Despite general Turkish scorn of such "false conceptions of valour" (Clarence Dana Rouillard, The Turk in French History, Thought, and Literature (1520–1660) [Paris, (1941)], 296–297), duels of this type were far from unknown in Transylvania and Hungary in those years. A subsection of István Szamosközy's Történeti Maradványai (Historico-literary remains) entitled "Memorabilis inter Turcam et Ungarum in duellum provocatio" (Memorable provocation to dueling between Turk and Hungarian) lists three types of duels, the most ferocious of which set the pattern for Smith (Sándor Szilágyi, ed., Monumenta Hungariae Historica, 2d Ser., XXI [Budapest, 1876], I, 237–239). Smith could hardly have read about this sort of thing.

2. Hooked blades.

3. Overlapping plates protecting the back and the loins.

4. "Scimitar" — the word appears in English in three dozen spellings or more.

5. In Smith's day a sergeant major ranked just below a lieutenant colonel; i.e., Smith was made a major, though he never used that title.

6. Terms of surrender.

7. This passage and the Purchas version both imply that Meldritch's father had been killed in a melee with Turkish troops or during a Turkish cavalry raid. Information of this sort reaching Smith's ears may have been the source of his belief that Meldritch was "a Transylvanian borne" or even that he was born in this neighborhood. See n, below.

8. The account of Mózes Székely's activities and later razzia down the Mures (Hungarian, Maros) valley is at odds with the account in the Purchas version (Fragment J, 1366, 1366n). There, the antecedent of "he sacked Varatzo," etc. is clearly "the Earle [Meldritch]." It is the editor's belief that Purchas, in making extensive cuts, neglected to supply "Moyses" as the antecedent. This, then, was corrected here.

9. Probably worth a little less than ¥150, but still a sizable pension.

1. This document, along with its variant copy, translation, and recording in London, is discussed in the editor's Introduction, above. While it is likely that both Purchas and Sir Robert Cotton had a hand in procuring the registering of the patent, Purchas's Pilgrimes was in print (1624-early 1625) before Aug. 19, 1625, when Sir William Segar "subscribed and recorded" the document (p. 18, below). There are a few minor variants in the unofficial copy in the "Collectanea" of Augustine Vincent, Windsor Herald until his death, Jan. 11, 1626. Only the variant discussed in n. 4, below, is of any substantive significance (see p. 18, below, and the Purchas version [Fragment J, 1366n]).

2. "Voldaw" in "Collectanea."

3. "Poldawae" in "Collectanea."

4. "Augusti 8vo" in the "Collectanea." The date of this specific battle or skirmish has not been recorded. For a discussion of the details, see the editor's Introduction to Fragment J, as well as the Introduction to the True Travels, above.

5. Zsigmond Báthory's uncle István Báthory first used a coat of arms consisting of three tusks (of a dragon or a wolf) encircled by a dragon biting its own tail. This remained the Báthory family device, but after 1590 Zsigmond began using more elaborate shields. Since the seal on the patent he gave to John Smith was evidently damaged over nearly 22 years (Dec. 9, 1603, to Aug. 19, 1625), it can only be surmised that the "open crown" was genuine, as were the tusks, that the NONONONONONON replaced an undecipherable dragon, and that the title should read "Sigismundus Bathori D. G. Prin[ceps] Transsilvaniae Walachiae," or something very similar. See J. B. v. S., Die Wappen und Siegel der Fürsten van Siebenbürgen und der einzelnen ständischen Nationen dieses Landes (Hermannstadt, 1838) for details.

6. "Supradictum" in "Collectanea."

7. Note that Segar himself has corrected "Vandalorum" in the Latin text to "Moldavia" here. This is more appropriate to Báthory.

8. Cf. the Latin text: "Illustrissimi et Gravissimi."

9. Segar's translation is not precisely faithful to the original, which must mean "on the way to the royal city" (see the editor's Introduction to Fragment J).

1. Segar omits "ancepsque" (meaning, "and uncertain").

2. Zsigmond was in Litomerice (German, Leitmeritz) on Dec. 16, 1602, and in Prague on Mar. 7, 1604 (but see the Purchas version). Litomerice is c. 66 km. (40 mi.) N of Prague, and less than 200 km. (125 mi.) SE of Leipzig. John Smith's wanderings late in 1603 led him through E Czechoslovakia to Prague, whence he went to Leipzig to find Zsigmond. After this meeting he went to Dresden, Magdeburg, and Brunswick (Braunschweig), as is narrated on p. 33, below.

3. Segar's English at times is absurd. The original "Salutem" (p. 16, above) means merely "Greetings!"

4. "Transcribed" would be more accurate.

5. Literally, "given."

6. With this chapter, Smith returns to the Purchas version, but with considerable expansion. What his specific source was is difficult to establish, although the first half of the paragraph reads as if it was based on vivid personal recollections. The rest is confirmed in some measure in Knolles's Historie of the Turkes, 1139–1143 (with occasional bits borrowed?) and also in Ciro Spontoni's Historia della Transilvania (Venice, 1638), 194– 200.

7. Chronic, deep-seated.

8. Informed; cf. "incerted," True Relation, sig. B4v.

1. "Poles"; Zsigmond's wife Maria Christina was a sister of Anna, wife of Sigismund III, king of Poland. Both of these ladies were first cousins of Emperor Rudolph II. In addition, Jan Zamoyski, great chancellor of Poland, was Zsigmond Báthory's brother-in-law. It is no great wonder that Zsigmond at last gave up the struggle.

2. Spontoni says 50,000 "Toleri" (dollars), but it is not clear what coin he meant (Historia della Transilvania, 204). In the same passage he states that Zsigmond retired to live at "Libocovitio" (Libochovice, 28 mi. NW of Prague). Smith's (Austrian) Silesia would be to the E.

3. The Purchas version (p. 1366) has "sixe or seven thousand" — perhaps an echo of the "sixe or seven houres."

4. The account in the editor's Three Worlds should be revised here and there in the light of recent studies. In this case, Székely, a Unitarian, had served under Michael the Brave (see p. IIn, above). When Michael was murdered by Basta's orders, Székely fled to the Turks in Timisoara (Hungarian, Temesvár), passing Zsigmond Báthory on the way. Zsigmond, to separate himself from both the action and the defeat, promptly sent off a messenger to Basta avouching his innocence and six days later was welcomed by the general in Alba-Iulia. Székely went on to meet Yemişçi Hasan, the grand vizier, who gave him some encouragement but was determined to retake Szekesfehervar first. This he did, on Aug. 29. For the sequel, see Carl Max Kortepeter, Ottoman Imperialism during the Reformation: Europe and the Caucasus (New York, 1972), 194–195. So far as John Smith's affairs were concerned, "the chronology is rather confused from ... July 2, 1602, until ... November 20, 1604" (ibid., 194).

5. "Voivode" is a better spelling. For Michael the Brave, voivode of Walachia and one of the founders of modern Rumania, see the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Mihai Viteazul." Michael's dependence on the Ottoman sultan has been brought within factual bounds by modern studies (see Olteanu, Les Pays roumains, 139).

6. Radul Şerban was a Bessarabian (from the region between the Prut and the Dniester rivers, Ukrainian S.S.R.), who was ready to accept the sovereignty of Rudolph II in preference to that of Mehmet III. "Jeremy" was Jeremia Movila, who was the joint choice of the Poles and the Turks for voivode of Moldavia.

7. Inherent nobility.

8. Most of these names, not elsewhere recorded, seem to be derived from town names (Barbour, Three Worlds, 51).

9. Modern Ramnicu-Valcea, 50-odd km. (30–35 mi.) S of the Transylvanian-Walachian border, at the end of the pass. The Altus River is now called the Olt, but Raza cannot be identified with certainty (cf. Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608–1631, The English Scholars Library Edition, No. 16 [Birmingham, 1884], xxvii).

1. Modern Curtea-de-Arges (the Court at Arges). "The oldest capital-city [of Walachia] was undoubtedly Argeş," but Campulung (see p. 21n) was also a capital; indeed, the voivodeship of Walachia was created after the retreat of the Mongol-Tatar "cataclysm" of 1241–1242 by Rumanians from Transylvania, who began to fill the void left to the S of the Carpathians by slow migration (see Ion Donat, "The Romanians South of the Carpathians and the Migratory Peoples in the Tenth-Thirteenth Centuries," in Miron Constantinescu et al., eds., Relations between the Autochthonous Population and the Migratory Populations on the Territory of Romania ... [Bucharest, 1975], 286–287).

2. Modern Pitesti.

3. Gazi Giray II, khan of the Crimean Tatars (1554–1608).

4. Officers in charge of the gates (the "ports") of fortified places.

5. All of this chapter and half of chap. 11 have been expanded from half a folio page of the Ferneza account in the Purchas version (p. 1366). The personal names listed need not be taken seriously, as has been mentioned before. Smith's account makes vivid, however, an encounter the bare facts of which occupy only a few lines of history. Mehmet III had ordered the khan, Gazi Giray, to reinforce the Ottoman troops involved in the "Long War." By the time he set out, the Transylvanian frontier was fixed as his goal, since he saw an opportunity actually to place the brother of Jeremia Movila in power in Walachia. The imperial appointee, Radul Şerban, was credited with little military strength and could easily be overthrown. When Gazi Giray arrived, he found that the imperial general, Basta, had spared crack troops to stop him. John Smith was a captain in these crack troops. After severe fighting, the khan was forced to retire, suffering heavy losses (Kortepeter, Ottoman Imperialism, 177).

6. The haiduks were freebooters, irregulars, who within a year or two became important elements in István Bocskai's struggle to free Hungary of Austrian tyranny.

7. For an attempt at analyzing the account, see Barbour, Three Worlds, 52–56, which can now be read in the light of Kortepeter's more recent work. Obviously there was more than one wave in the overall attack.

8. The khan's brother-in-law was killed (Kortepeter, Ottoman Imperialism, 177).

9. Modern Campulung, nestled in a narrow valley 30-odd km. (20 mi.) ENE of Curtea-de-Arges, was probably older than Arges, and is attested c. 1300. Voivode Basarab I of Walachia (c. 1300-c. 1340) died there. For "Rottenton," see n, below.

1. Speed

2. A trunk was a cylindrical case containing explosives.

3. Nine mi. (14 km.); the pass is exceptionally rugged at this point, and such a large body of Tatars seems improbable.

4. "Entrenched Walloons and four well-placed cannon" stopped the khan and his troops (Kortepeter, Ottoman Imperialism, 177).

5. "Red Tower Fort," called Rotenturm, Vorostorony (or Verestorony; Hungarian scholars acquainted with the region state that this is the preferred local pronunciation and spelling), Turnu Roşu, and Turris Rubra, in German, Hungarian, Rumanian, and Latin, respectively, is about 20 km. (12 mi.) S of Sibiu (Smith's Hermannstadt).

6. An unusual sense of "conclusion" meaning "attempt."

7. The end of the extract from Ferneza is greatly expanded from the Purchas version, 1366 (see p. 2on, above).

8. Ens. Thomas Carlton and Sgt. Edward Robinson contributed poems in honor of Smith that were appended to the Description of N.E., [62], [63], and reprinted in the Generall Historie, 202.

9. Axiopolis was on the Danube near modern Cernavoda (Constantin C. Giurescu, Contributions to the History of Romanian Science and Technique from the 15th to the Early 19th Century, trans. Maria Farca [Bucharest, 1974], 85), where the modern railway Bucharest-Constanta crosses the river. Since we know the Tatars retired to Silistra, however, it is possible that Smith confused the two towns. About 70 km. (45 mi.) upstream, Silistra has been a flourishing city since Roman days. For an early description of the slave traffic, see Luigi Bassano, Costumi et i modi particolari della vita de' Turchi (1545), ed. Franz Babinger (Monaco di Bavicra, 1963), fols. 41–42r.

1. "Bashaw Bogall" possibly stands for Basi Bakkal (Captain Grocer). Such a name is attested in England in the 1300s; cf. grand vizier Yemişçi Hasan (Fruiterer Hasan). "Adrinopolis" is modern Edirne, then not much less than 400 km. (250 mi.) by winding roads through and over mountains from Axiopolis. From Edirne to Istanbul is about 230 km. (145 mi.) by the modern highway.

2. "Charatza Tragabigzanda" (better, "Trabigzanda") is a distortion of a Greek phrase meaning "girl from Trebizond" (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 58–59). William Biddulph, preacher to the Company of English Merchants in Aleppo, wrote c. 1605: "Some few amongst them [the Turks] have the Italian tongue: and many (especially in and about Constantinople) speake the vulgar Greeke. ... For in Constantinople there are as many Grecians and Hebrues as Turkes" (Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 1340).

3. The "Dissabacca Sea," now the Sea of Azov, was a distortion of a Genoese name based on the Tatar word for a kind of carp, chabak (see Philip L. Barbour, "Captain John Smith's Route through Turkey and Russia," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., XIV [1957], 363).

4. Smith has added these bits of local color by borrowing from William Biddulph's "Travels" as quoted in Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 1334–1353 (the passage used here is from p. 1340). "Banians" is an error for "Banias" (see the Purchas version, 1367), which in turn is distorted from Turkish banyo (borrowed from Italian bagno, bath).

5. Regarding "Cambia" ("Cambria" in the Purchas version), the editor has not found any new information to justify a change in his earlier suggestion that Robert Vaughan, the Welsh engraver, had something to do with this name (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 364). It is evident from what follows that Smith was only vaguely aware of where he was sent and that he puzzled out a conjectural route with the help of maps and documents back in London, probably supplied by Samuel Purchas 10 or more years after the event. For discussion, see the Purchas version (Fragment J, 1367n). Nevertheless, there is no reason to doubt that Charatza's brother was in charge of a timar, a small government fief usually granted for military service and operated by an army officer.

6. I.e., he was free to look only.

7. Gerardus Mercator's Atlas sive cosmographicae meditationes de fabrica mundi et fabricati figura (Duisburg, 1595), map of Walachia, etc., shows "Romania" as corresponding roughly to modern Turkey in Europe, southern Bulgaria, and Greek Thrace. The name was not applied to modern Rumania until Sept. 1857, when the principalities of Walachia and Moldavia were united to form the present country.

8. See the Purchas version (Fragment J, 1367n) for a discussion of these names.

9. Muddy shallows.

10. The name "Nalbrits" appears on contemporary maps (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 60–61). See the Purchas version (Fragment J, 1368n) for a discussion of the location of the timar. The holder of such a fief was called the timar sipahisi, "man-at-arms holding a timar" (New Redhouse Turkish-English Dictionary [Istanbul, 1968]), for which the Italians invented the term timariotto, whence English "timariot."

11. Smith clearly knew some Italian, but obviously he did not understand enough to know what was apparently going on. Judging by this paragraph, it would seem that Charatza's brother had no objection to what she proposed and was putting Smith through the almost sadistic disciplining required by Turkish custom to make a Turkish official of him. For an explanation of this, see the editor's Introduction to Fragment J.

1. "Drub-man" is an error for Purchas's anglicization ("drugman"; see the Purchas version, p. 1367) of the Turkish word dragoman. Note that "drub-man" is a "ghost" in the OED due to failure to refer to the Purchas version.

2. "Ulgrie" is likely a distortion of a local name for "argali," big-horned sheep (Philip L. Barbour, "Captain John Smith's Observations on Life in Tartary," VMHB, LXVIII [1960], 276–279).

3. Galley slaves; see the Purchas version (Fragment J, 1367n).

4. Much of the material in chaps. 13–16 has been borrowed or adapted from other sources, printed or manuscript.

5. "Garnances" was evidently a misprint for "garuances," or "garvances," Spanish garbanzos, that persisted in Smith. This passage appears to be based on Biddulph's "Travels," in Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 1340. "Buckones" is probably taken from Italian boccone, a mouthful.

6. "Sambouses and Muclebites" in Biddulph's "Travels," in Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 1340; see Barbour, "Smith's Observations on Life in Tartary," VMHB, LXVIII (1960), 275–276, 275–276nn.

7. "Sherbet" in Biddulph's "Travels," in Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 1340; şerbet in Turkish, from Arabic shariba, to drink. In the homes of the grandees, sherbet was served with snow; whence, probably, the English use of the word for water ice.

8. Smith's erroneous assumption is in a way justified by Ottaviano Bon, "Descrizione del serraglio del gransignore," in Nicolò Barozzi and Guglielmo Berchet, eds., Relazioni degli stati europei lette al senato dagli Ambasciatori Veneti nel secolo decimosettimo, Ser. V, Turchia (Venice, 1866), 96, here translated by the editor: "Several kinds of bread are made: very white for the mouth of the king, the sultanas, and the other grandees; moderately good for average people and others; black quality for the acemi oglans." This passage is somewhat elaborated in the contemporary English version translated by Robert Withers in Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 1600.

9. Couscous is a North African dish made of flour or millet seed. Here, Smith seems to be helping out his memory with John Pory's translation of John Leo's A Geographical Historie of Africa ... (1600) as reprinted by Samuel Purchas (Pilgrimes, II, 793). John Pory had been Smith's source for a portion of the Generall Historie (pp. 141–143).

1. Smith supplies a connective passage of uncertain source, then relies on the well-known "Voyage" of Anthony Jenkinson, one of the first Englishmen to travel in central Asia, who died at a ripe old age in 1611 (see Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation [London, 1598–1600], I, 324–335, and Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, 231).

2. Plaited skirts reaching to the knees.

3. This is another hint that Smith may have visited Ireland (cf. the Map of Va., 2on; and the Proceedings, 18n).

4. Large leather bottles (from Spanish borracha).

5. This is from Jenkinson's "Voyage," in Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, 232. "Hordia" is an unusual variant of "horde."

6. Variant spelling of "loam," to make watertight.

7. A "mirza" was a prince, a son of an emir.

8. Russian strug; bark, sailing vessel.

9. Kazan-Tatar Idyl (Max Vasmer, Russisches etymologisches Wörterbuch [Heidelberg, 1950–1958], I, 216–217).

1. Apparently a miscopy of Jenkinson's "Perovolog," from a Russian word for "portage." Jenkinson's map, Russiae tabula (London, 1562), shows the site at the narrowest strip between the Volga and Don rivers, where the Turks began digging a canal in 1569 (see Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, 233; W. E. D. Allen, Problems of Turkish Power in the Sixteenth Century [London, 1963], 27; and E. G. R. Taylor, Tudor Geography, 1485–1583 [London, 1930], 176).

2. Chaps. 14–16 are not in the Purchas version, for reasons suggested in the editor's Introduction to Fragment J. Be it said here only that Smith availed himself generously of the Itinerarium (Purchas's "Peregrinations") of Friar William de Rubruquis (c. 1215– 1270), which had been published by Hakluyt in Latin and English (Principal Navigations, I, 71–117) from a defective text, and in an edited translation in English by Samuel Purchas, who found "the whole worke" in "Benet College" (now Corpus Christi), Cambridge (Pilgrimes, III, 1–52). That John Smith, who presumably saw something of the Tatars in 1603, relied on a work 350 years old for support and background is neither inept nor unfitting. Time stands still, here and there.

3. The first dozen or so lines are adjusted to fit Smith's story and contain geographical details not found in Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, 3.

4. Moldavia was the principality that now forms NE Rumania, between Transylvania and modern Bessarabia, U.S.S.R.; Podolia was to the N and formed part of the Polish-Lithuanian state; Lithuania then extended from the Baltic to the Black Sea; and "Russia" here refers to Rassia (or Rascia), the former see of the bishop of Ras, modern Novi Pazar, c. 175 km. (110 mi.) NNW of Skoplje by road. These districts were "more regular" in that they were better organized.

5. A variant of "champaign" — level, open country. Smith follows Rubruquis (in Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, 1–52) only roughly, but chap. 2 of the latter begins about here.

6. Smith has reached Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, 4, here.

7. "Cossmos" was an early form of "kumiss" (Tatar kumyz) — fermented mare's or camel's milk. This is not brought up in Rubruquis until chap. 6 (ibid., 5).

8. Rubruquis's chap. 3 ends here (ibid., 4).

9. This paragraph broadly corresponds with chap. 4 of Rubruquis (ibid., 4–5), but Smith has added a number of details, either from personal experience or from other sources (see n. 3, below).

1. Excite; not in Rubruquis.

2. Although the rest of this page to the top of p. 28 is partly based on chap. 5 of Rubruquis (ibid., 5), a few details are added, as noted below.

3. The "hony-wine" is surely mead (modern Russian myod). This passage appears to have been adapted from a new source, Martin Broniovius (Marcin Broniowski), ambassador from King István Báthory of Poland (uncle of Zsigmond) to the Crimean khan, 1578–1579, whose "Description of Tartaria" was printed in Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, 632–643. There we read, "Yet the Gentlemen have bread, flesh, ... and Metheglin [a kind of mead]" (ibid., 639). After this snippet Smith returns to Rubruquis (ibid., 5), oblivious to the 330-year chronological imbalance.

4. The punctuation is faulty; it should read: "the common sort [drink] stamped [pounded] millit ... [which] they call Cassa. ..." This is another snippet from Broniovius's "Description of Tartaria" (ibid., 639).

5. Rubruquis has "fiftie or an hundred" (ibid., 5).

6. Here Smith appears to turn to Broniovius's "Description of Tartaria" in earnest, though he continues to pick scraps and shreds at random. Since specific references to all of Smith's borrowings would be tedious and largely profitless for the purposes of this edition, the editor leaves it to those especially interested in early 17th-century plagiarism to locate each borrowed morsel (see ibid., 632–643). Only broad guidelines will be provided.

7. "Ulusi" is a case of misunderstanding on the part of Broniovius and may serve to indicate that Smith was not personally familiar with the word. "Ulus" means "camp" in Russian but "people" in the Turkic languages (cf. Broniovius's "Description of Tartaria," ibid., 633, with Vasmer, Wörterbuch, II, 182–183; and see Barbour, "Smith's Observations on Life in Tartary," VMHB, LXVIII [1960], 282).

8. This is partly based on Broniovius's "Description of Tartaria" (Purchas, Pil- grimes, III, 633). Perecopia was another name for Eupatoria, on the Crimean W coast; Taurica was an ancient name of Crimea itself; Osow was a variant of Russian Azov (Turkish Azak, slavicized by Broniovius or Purchas[?] as Azaph [ibid.]); and Tanaīs was the classic name of the Don River. Azov, at the mouth of that river, was held by the Turks in Smith's day, but the hinterland was controlled by roaming Tatars, who had not yet yielded to Poland, Lithuania, or Muscovy.

9. Note the absence of "ulgries" in this passage, borrowed from Broniovius (ibid., 632).

1. Bakhchisarai (Turkish Bağçe̊saray, garden palace) and the other Crimean towns are listed, with extended comments, in Broniovius (ibid., 634–636); Smith shows minor variations.

2. "Bezoar" was the original Persian name for any anti-poison. The calculus, or stone, found in the stomach or intestines of some ruminant animals in Asia Minor, particularly wild goats, was highly prized as a medicine and thus was called a bezoar-stone. The word "bezer" was apparently inserted by Smith, as were most of the comments (cf. ibid., 640).

3. This paragraph and the next are based on Broniovius (ibid., 638–639).

4. This paragraph is taken from Broniovius's "Description of Tartaria" (ibid., 639).

5. These titles are from Broniovius's "Description of Tartaria" and need not be taken as necessarily Tatar. According to his account, the sultans were (younger) sons of the khan; the tuians (by implication only) were lesser "nobles"; the ulans were "anciently descended of the Chans bloud" (ibid., 637; from Turkish oğlan [young men, youth] through Polish or 15th-century Russian, though at least two Turkic dialects have the form ulan [Martti Räsänen, Versuch eines etymologischen Wörterbuchs der Türksprachen (Helsinki, 1969), 358]); and "marhies" must be an error for "marzies [mirzas]," who were princes' sons.

6. Broniovius's "Description of Tartaria" has "those Vests" (Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, 639).

7. The bulk of chap. 16 is derived from Broniovius's "Description of Tartaria" (ibid., 640–643), but considerably condensed and otherwise altered. Smith's style of writing breaks through, but on the whole he has condensed Broniovius's account faithfully. Sir Robert Cotton had asked Smith to write a book about his life (see sig. A2r, above), and he had already written all that he really remembered.

8. An early form of "curds"; this touch is Smith's.

9. Live, on the hoof.

1. Seniority.

2. Countrymen, peasants; the word is from Broniovius (Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, 641).

3. Broniovius puts it more clearly: "the rest of the Armie ... is extended in longitude more then ten miles, and in latitude as much" (ibid.).

4. There should be a full stop and a new sentence here.

5. Broniovius's "Description of Tartaria" has "but the Agent who wel knowes," which is clearer (ibid., 642).

6. Broniovius's version of these names (ibid.) is generally better, but the editor cannot know how faithful Purchas was in his translation, since the original, published as "Opisanie Kryma" (Tartariae Descriptio) in Zapiski Odesskago obshchestva istorii i drevnostey, VI (Odessa, 1867), has not been available; see Kortepeter, Ottoman Imperialism, 257. In modern terms the list should read: The Nogay horde and the Tatars of Perecopia, Crimea, and Azov, and the Circassians ...; but those of Petigoren (Colchis, at the E end of the Black Sea), Ochakov (in the delta of the Bug River), Byelgorod (better known as Akkerman, in Bessarabia), and Dobrogea (lower Danube, in Rumania)....

7. Spirited.

8. Karamania was the name of a district in southern Turkey, of which Konya is the center.

9. Obsolete form of "wood"; immediately following, "gaile" refers to "gale," bog myrtle.

1. Italian chiaverina, a sort of javelin; unrecorded in English until long after Smith. Note that it was misprinted by Arber as "cavatine" (Arber, Smith, Works, 864); see Barbour, "Smith's Observations on Life in Tartary," VMHB, LXVIII (1960), 282.

2. The original is clearer: "In the Chans Regiment a very great white Mares tayle, and a piece of Greene and Red Silke of the Turkish Emperour is carryed before on a great Pike for a Standard" (Broniovius, "Description of Tartaria," in Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, 643).

3. This paragraph is a mixture of Smith and the last paragraph of Broniovius's "Description of Tartaria" (ibid.).

4. Here Smith returns to Anthony Jenkinson's "Voyage" (ibid., 242).

5. Jenkinson also has it thus, though Media had disappeared as a political unit many centuries before. Perhaps it was a matter of biblical influence.

6. Siberia was a vast, little-known expanse then; the Yaik is the Ural River, which flows into the Caspian Sea, E of the Volga; and the "Yem" was probably the Yema, better known as the Ob, which flows into the Arctic Ocean.

7. Again it would hardly be worthwhile to attempt to locate Smith's specific source or sources. There are several extracts included by Purchas in vol. III of his Pilgrimes that might have inspired Smith, but none of those inspected by the editor tallies with Smith's narrative in its several aspects.

8. Here Smith at length picks up his account in the Purchas version (p. 1368), neglected since the bottom of p. 25, above.

9. A bat was a simple stick or small club; a flail was a technological invention, albeit a simple one, having a secondary rod attached so that it swung freely. It was a more effective weapon if so used. Below, "estate" means merely "condition."

1. Smith evidently thought he heard the name of the road, apparently from some Muscovite. All he remembered, however, was that it was k Astrakhani, "[the road] to Astrakhan." See the Purchas version for notes on Smith's travel route (Fragment J, 1368n).

2. Signposts of the general nature described by Smith have been preserved in Rumania, where the editor inspected two that have been reerected in the Village Museum, Bucharest. A recent book review by Karl H. Menges mentions a Turkic word perhaps meaning "a slight elevation with a road-mark," indicating the existence of such signs (Journal of the American Oriental Society, XCIV [1974], 243).

3. Probably the same as "knob"; cf. the Sea Grammar, 66, "a Rammer is a bob of wood. ..."

4. Vile race.

5. The editor has postulated the identification of Aecopolis as Valuiki (Barbour, "Smith's Route through Turkey and Russia," WMQ, 3d Ser., XIV [1957], 366), but see the Purchas version (Fragment J, 1368n) for further suggestions.

6. In a recent study, E. M. Dvoychenko-Markova has pointed out that Salamata is a common Don Cossack name and that "the good Lady Callamata" was probably the wife of the Cossack ataman, or chieftain ("Dzhon Smit v Rossii" [John Smith in Russia], Novaya i noveyshaya istoriya, Akademiya Nauk [Academy of Sciences], No. 3 [1976], 158– 160).

7. The name "Bruapo" ("Bruago" in the Purchas version, 1367) may also have been suggested by Vaughan (see Fragment J, 1367n; and 23n, above). The "mountaines of Innagachi" and the "Poole Kerkas" on the other hand, may have been found in roughly this spelling on some map mentioning the Nogai Tatars and the Circassians ("Cherkesy," in Russian). Both peoples roamed in the great steppe E and NE of the Black Sea.

8. Maeotis and Tanaïs were the classical names for the Sea of Azov and the Don River. For information on a few of the other names, see Fragment J, 1368–1369nn.

1. "Coragnaw" ("Caragnaw") and "Zumalacke," below, are analyzed in Barbour, "Smith's Route through Turkey and Russia," WMQ, 3d Ser., XIV (1957), 366. They are most likely Chernava, 20 mi. (30-odd km.) SW of Yelets (see n, below) and the Izyumskii Shlyakh, the track that served as a road in that region.

2. Surely Yelets and Dankov, on the Don River. The next half dozen names stand for the region of Chernigov, the towns of Bryansk and Novgorod, the region of Severski, the town of Rechitsa, and the Dnieper.

3. Lithuania was then the eastern half of the Polish-Lithuanian "republic," ruled by King Sigismund III from 1587 to 1632. Suggested identifications of place-names follow: Coroski — Korosten, 200 km. (125 mi.) SW of Rechitsa; Duberesko — Barashi, nearly halfway between Korosten and Novograd-Volynski; Drohobus — either Dorogobuzh or Drogobyck; Ostroge — Ostrog, 40 km. (25 mi.) SE of Rovno; Volonia — Volhynia, the name of a district in NW Ukrainian S.S.R.; Saslaw — Izyaslav, SE of Ostrog; Lasco — Olesko, 135 km. (85 mi.) to the W; Podolia — a former district S of Volhynia (see p. 26n, above); Halico — Galich (Halich in Ukrainian), some 95 km. (60 mi.) to the S; Collonia — Kolomyya, now U.S.S.R. (no longer an important road junction); Hermonstat — Hermannstadt (Sibiu in Rumanian), Transylvania, whence Smith had set out for Red Tower Pass.

4. These were true log cabins, such as were not known in North America before the Swedes brought the idea to the Delaware River area in 1638 (Harold R. Shurtleff, The Log Cabin Myth: A Study of the Early Dwellings of the English Colonists in North America [Cambridge, Mass., 1939], 186–208).

5. An older, then very common, form of "rampart."

6. The caliver seems to have been the lightest kind of firearm except the pistol; a light musket (see the Sea Grammar, 69, "colivers").

7. Remembering that "two dayes travell" may well mean 50–60 km. (30–40 mi.), the editor can vouch for the truth of the latter part of the sentence for some places in that area, which he visited in the mid-1960s; for the earlier part of the sentence, see Barbour, Three Worlds, 414, n. 5, which vouches for its truth in 1945.

8. Beautifully wrought — not odd or strange. The observation that follows is a good example of Smith's insight.

9. In Sibiu, Smith could have learned that Mózes Székely had been finally defeated and expelled and that Zsigmond's "final abdication" (he had abdicated more than once before) had this time really been final. Young Gábor Bethlen (born in 1580, like John Smith) had emerged from obscurity to set in motion a Transylvanian risorgimento. Basta, who had brought the peace of the grave to the country, would soon retire. John Smith saw nothing for himself to do but find Zsigmond, get his pension confirmed, and return to England.

1. For Smith, High Hungary seems to have meant that part of the kingdom, mostly N of the Danube, that had not been conquered by the Ottoman army, a good portion of which is now Czechoslovakia. A brief list of correspondences may make the geography clearer: Fileck — Filakovo, Slovakia; Tocka — Tokaj, N Hungary; Cassovia — Kosice, Slovakia; Underoroway — Oravsky Podzamok, Moravia-Silesia; Ulmicht — Olomouc, Moravia; Lipswick — Leipzig; Misenland — Meissen (Misnia), a former margraviate that included both Leipzig and Dresden.

2. This travel route includes only one city that may not be easily recognized, perhaps two (see n, below).

3. "Hama" is some sort of error for Hanau; "Mentz," an error for Mainz.

4. Smith's list of Spanish place-names may be worth clarifying here and there: Valiadolid — Valladolid, then the residence of King Philip III; Madrill — Madrid; Cordua — Córdoba; Civill — Seville; Cheryes — Jerez; Cales — Cádiz; Saint Lucas — Sanlúcar de Barrameda.

5. Barbary, so called from the Berbers who lived there, comprised North Africa from Morocco E to the Egyptian border. The Purchas version has: "Then understanding that the Warres of Mully Shash and Mully Sedan, the two Brothers in Barbarie of Fez and Moroco (to which hee was animated by some friends) were concluded in peace, he imbarked himselfe for England ..." (p. 1370). The fact of the case is, however, that the "Warres" did not break out until the death of the old king on Aug. 24, 1603, when three of his sons began to dispute the succession. It was five years before one of them, Mūlāi Zīdān, won out.

6. "Guta" is an error for Ceuta; "Tánger" is the Spanish form of "Tangier"; and "Saffee" is Safi, the leading port in the Marrakesh region of Morocco.

7. Here Smith begins to borrow at random from Leo's Geographical Historie of Africa, trans. and amplified by Smith's friend (or at least acquaintance) John Pory, and reprinted with modification in Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 749–851. Smith begins with p. 774 of Purchas.

8. "Broach," a pointed rod; not in Purchas (ibid., 774).

9. Both this detail and the following legend are missing from this passage in Purchas (ibid., 749–851).

1. Customhouse; Smith was one of the first (of few) English writers to borrow the word from Arabic al-fondoq, more literally, "the inn" (cf. the famous fondachi in Venice).

2. Fine workmanship, elegance. Though the "Universities," below, are an addition by Smith, the rest of the paragraph follows Leo (ibid., 776) in basic content.

3. Sources in Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, and Purchas, Pilgrimes, show that "Larbes," or "Larbies," were Berbers.

4. Here Smith turned to one of several more up-to-date sources, either in Purchas's Pilgrimes or independently printed. "Mully Hamet" was Mūlāi Ahmed IV, "El-Mansur" or "Ed-Dhahabi." Three of his sons enter Smith's account: Mūlāi "Es-Sheikh" (crown prince); Mūlāi Zīdān (spelling modernized, but see Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 853); and Mūlāi 'Abd-el-'Aziz, "Abu Fāris."

5. The poisoning is the figment of somebody's imagination, but Mūlāi Zidān did attempt to seize the throne as soon as the old king died, probably of the plague (see ibid., 855).

6. "Mulatto." Smith could have gotten this information in Morocco or could merely have expanded what was available in Purchas (ibid., 853).

7. Scrupulousness.

8. Skilled artisans in such metals as lead.

1. Since the Clockmakers' Company was not formed until 1631, it is doubtful if any specific information will be forthcoming about Henry Archer, the watchmaker.

2. A variant of "santon," from Spanish and Italian santo, saint; a European name for a kind of Moslem monk or hermit.

3. Not certainly identified. The best suggestion seems to be the "Chauz" shown on Hondius's map of the kingdom of Fez (ibid., following p. 984).

4. In Smith's day Morocco was considered to be an empire composed of at least two kingdoms: Morocco and Fez (Arabic, Fas). Here Smith returns to Leo's Geographical Historie of Africa for basic material, condensing and picking out bits at random. The references to the city of Fez begin with Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 784, though it is not clear from where Smith obtained his demographic statistics.

5. Smith's "Carucen" is probably an error for "Carueen," an attempt to transcribe Arabic al-Qarawiyyin, the name of the great mosque and attached schools. Purchas copied John Leo's "Caruven," which possibly should be "Caruuen" (ibid., 786). Smith's statistics do not seem to be taken from Leo.

6. An alcázar was a castle. The Stanford Dictionary of Anglicised Words and Phrases (Cambridge, 1892) explains Smith's confusion: "alcazar, ... fortress; also (rarely) a bourse, exchange, bazaar, by confusion with alcaiceria" (44–45). The passage on the "Burse" is from Leo's Geographical Historie of Africa (Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 790).

7. This passage is evidently Smith's own summary. "Cocow" is unidentified.

8. The "Countries of Ginny and Binne [Guinea and Benin]" in Smith's day meant the coast of Africa (and a certain amount of the interior) from the modern republic of Senegal to the federation of Nigeria, first explored by the English in 1553 (Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, II, 9–10). For a recent study of Benin, see R. E. Bradbury, Benin Studies, ed. Peter Morton-Williams (London, 1973).

1. This English effort seems to be missing from Purchas, who printed instead copious extracts from a Dutch account (Pilgrimes, II, 926–970). The traders who went to the Senegal River have not been identified by the editor.

2. For Capt. Richard Jobson's account of a previous voyage, see ibid., 921–926 (there is an error in the date at the beginning; possibly read: "Saturday, the ninth of October, 1619"). The significant detail is that a "Master William Grent" accompanied Captain Jobson in 1626. This would seem almost certainly to be the William Grent who contributed commendatory verses to Smith's Generall Historie (sig. A2v); see the Biographical Directory. "Gago" and "Tumbatu" are Gao (or Gao-Gao) and Timbuktu, 640 km. (400 mi.) apart, on the Niger River.

3. The gold came from trade, not mines.

4. Chap. 19 is highly condensed from Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 986–1026, as far as the top of p. 39, below. Purchas in turn had condensed the material from Duarte Lopes, A Reporte of the Kingdome of Congo, a Region of Africa ..., gathered by Filippo Pigafetta, trans. Abraham Hartwell (London, 1597). Since it is not certain whether Smith used Hartwell's translation or Purchas's abbreviation thereof, it seems idle here to do more than call attention to a few points of at least minor significance.

5. Diogo (Cão) Cam discovered the mouth of the Congo (Zaire) River in 1483.

6. Smith has corrected Purchas, who misprinted "1588" (Pilgrimes, II, 986).

7. São Salvador is by air 225 km. (141 mi.) from the mouth of the Congo in northern Angola. A tribe of anthropophagi raided the place about 1588, and it is highly doubtful that the town had 100,000 inhabitants in Smith's day.

8. Purchas lists six provinces (ibid., 999), adding Songo.

9. Smith added the name of the tree.

1. Instruments of warfare.

2. The two paragraphs on the Anzichi are based on Purchas (ibid., 992–993). Purchas has "Anzigues," but the original Italian source has "Anzichi."

3. Apparently a misprint for lamache, snails. The erroneous definition is Hartwell's, not Smith's or Purchas's, and does not appear in the original Italian. A modern Portuguese translation calls them búzios (conchs, whelks) and supplies the native name zimbo (Duarte Lopes and Filippo Pigafetta, Relação do reino de Congo e das terra circunvizinhas, trans. Rosa Capeans [Lisbon, 1951], 32). The creatures are probably sea snails.

4. Here "meat market, bench or table on which meat was sold"; the usual modern meaning, "carnage," developed about Smith's day.

5. This is Smith's summary of several passages dealing with religion. Note that "Azichi," a few lines below, is a mistake for "Anzichi" (n. 2, above).

6. The source of the Nile was not discovered until the latter half of the 19th century.

7. See p. 34n.

8. Chap. 20 gives an account of a naval engagement for which there is no other evidence, beyond a hint or two in the text itself. These hints of Smith's presence and participation are pointed out below.

9. Safi had no harbor in 1604; only an open roadstead.

1. From Safi to Lanzarote in the Canary Islands was less than 600 km. (375 mi.); a sailing vessel might easily be driven that far by a storm. If Smith was "in the calmes" near the Canaries on this occasion, his "pretended mutiny" near there hinted at in the 1607 accounts would be partially explained; that is, his attitude of "I've been here before and I know what I'm doing" would have irritated such colonists as Edward Maria Wingfield.

2. Merham was obviously a privateer or corsair.

3. Cape Bojador, only 200-odd km. (less than 150 mi.) from Grand Canary.

4. Cape Nun ("Noun" in French), about 50 km. S of Sidi Ifni on the Moroccan coast.

5. I.e., brought the ship's head closer to the wind.

6. Kedgers were small anchors; grapnels were virtually the same thing.

7. See the Sea Grammar, 67.

8. Nimble, quick.

9. Presumably near Rabat in Morocco.

1. Little quarter was given in such lawless affrays.

2. Santa Cruz is now Agadir; "Cape Goa" is modern Cape Ghir; Mogador is unchanged.

3. Smith has omitted the detail given in the Purchas version that he had "one thousand Duckets in his Purse" (p. 1370).

4. Smith's title page shows he was aware that he did not have the makings of "a book by it selfe" even at the outset. The borrowings, expansions, and paddings from which the True Travels suffers are explained by this.

5. Misunderstandings.

6. As Edward Arber has pointed out, "With the exception of the Eye-witness description of Nevis [True Travels, 56–57, below], this latter part is simply a compilation by our Author, out of such Relations as came to his hands" (Smith, Works, 882). References to sources in the following notes will be limited to such as have been identified with reasonable certainty. The editor will make no attempt to "ravel out" each thread of Smith's "weaved up" summary.

7. While Smith's figures may be too high (and they were raised still higher in the Advertisements, 3), there can be no doubt that he was on firm ground (see the modern summary of developments in Wesley Frank Craven, Dissolution of the Virginia Company: The Failure of a Colonial Experiment [New York, 1932], 312–313, 322–328). "Complement" here means "compliments, fine behavior."

1. It must be remembered that a "voyage to Virginia" involved at least eight weeks in a small, malodorous sailing ship.

2. I.e., a traveler who perhaps knew a strip of Virginia 50 mi. long by 15 mi. wide.

3. For Nathaniel Causey, see the Biographical Directory. George Yeardley was appointed governor for life by Charles I on Mar. 4, 1626, and arrived in Virginia toward the end of June. He died in office and was buried on Nov. 13, 1627. For Francis West, see the Biographical Directory. Dr. John Pott, sent to Virginia by the Virginia Council as physician-general, had a "taste for politics," was elected temporary governor (1629– 1630), and remained in Virginia until he died, ante-1642 (see Wyndham B. Blanton, Medicine in Virginia in the Seventeenth Century [Richmond, Va., 1930], 16–25). Capt. Roger Smith, a veteran of the Netherlands wars and member of the council in Virginia, was still alive in 1629. He was married to Jane Pierce Rolfe, widow of John Rolfe, whose first wife had been Pocahontas. Capt. Samuel Matthews was a member of the council in Virginia. Capt. William Tucker was a merchant and trader in Virginia from at least 1617 to 1633. William Claiborne (c. 1587–c. 1677), originally appointed surveyor in Virginia in 1621, was long active both there and in Maryland (see the Dictionary of American Biography). Smith's reference is probably to John Ferrar (see the Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Ferrar, Nicholas," his brother).

4. Modern research indicates that a total of 27 communities existed in 1625, all of them along the James River excepting two on the Eastern Shore (Charles E. Hatch, Jr., The First Seventeen Years: Virginia, 1607–1624, Jamestown 350th Anniversary Historical Booklets, No. 6 [Williamsburg, Va., 1957], 32–35).

5. Broadest.

6. Abraham Piersey (Peirse, etc.), cape merchant, amassed huge acreage in nearly 20 years of residence and became one of the most prominent colonists.

7. This is the first appearance of this word in print.

8. A jack was a leather-quilted jacket, sometimes with iron plates.

9. Draw up, drive off.

1. Smith's specific meaning here is not clear.

2. See p. 42n, above, for these names. Smith has apparently drawn on another source for this paragraph.

3. Apparently the Robert Hutchins who received a patent for 100 acres below Blunt Point (between Newport News and Mulberry Island) in May 1625.

4. Master Floud may be the John Flood (Fludd) who arrived in 1610 and appears in the 1624 muster roll. The other two may be the John Davies (arrived on the George in 1617) and the William Emerson (arrived on the Sampson in 1618) who are listed as partners in the same muster roll.

5. Most likely, this is Mistress Jane Pierce, who arrived on the Blessing (1609? or 1610?), wife of Capt. William Pierce, who had sailed with Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Somers in 1609. The Muster of the Inhabitants of James Cittie, Jan. 24, 1624/5, includes the couple (see John Camden Hotten, ed., The Original Lists of Persons of Quality ... and Others Who Went from Great Britain to the American Plantations, 1600–1700 ... [London, 1874], 224).

6. "It" probably refers to "ours."

7. Extracted from wild-turnip seed and used in making soap.

8. "Madder."

9. That is, from London. Sir John Harvey sailed during the winter of 1629–1630, arriving in Virginia before Mar. 24, 1630. Captain Perse was possibly William (see n, above), and Captain Prine may have been John Prynne, a London merchant who was also shipowner and master.

1. Master Barnet and Master Cooper have not been identified; the others have been mentioned in the notes immediately above.

2. Although a "Jno [John] Ireland" is mentioned in connection with the investigation of a Spanish wreck off Bermuda in 1622 (J. H. Lefroy, comp., Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of the Bermudas or Somers Islands, 1515–1685, I [London, 1877], 254), there is no way of knowing if he is the same as Smith's "Master Ireland." The whole of chap. 22 is reprinted by Lefroy (ibid., 493–495), with some errors in transcription.

3. The reference is largely correct, but Capt. Henry Woodhouse is not mentioned until p. 201 of the Generall Historie.

4. Wine (if that is what is meant here) was imported and was considered expensive (see "A Proclamacion against the exceedinge price of strong liquor, 6 February 1622/3," in Lefroy, comp., Memorials of the Bermudas, I, 285).

5. Cf. the Description of N.E., 1.

6. "Spermaceti," used in medicines and in the manufacture of candles.

7. "Boil."

8. Partly burned wick.

9. See Lefroy, comp., Memorials of the Bermudas, I, 405.

1. Roger Wood is frequently referred to in Lefroy, comp., Memorials of the Bermudas; see the index.

2. Toll levied on merchandise.

3. Overdoing offshore fishing — Smith is applying a hunting term.

4. Lefroy has a note on this bit of piracy (Memorials of the Bermudas, I, 723). The Peter Bonaventure had apparently arrived in Bermuda on Mar. 22, 1627. Dunkirk, France, on the English Channel, was then a nest of pirates. Tor Bay is on the SE coast of Devon.

5. Calais is about 40 km. (25 mi.) W of Dunkirk.

6. Robert Kesteven was not one of the early colonists, but he later became a local councillor. He is mentioned in Lefroy, comp., Memorials of the Bermudas, I, 575, 610, 617.

7. See the Description of N.E., 1, and New Englands Trials (1622), sig. B2r.

8. See the Generall Historie, 205.

9. This passage refers, of course, to the Pilgrims, whose story was told more fully in the Generall Historie, 230–241, but Smith's keen disappointment at not having been asked to go with the group is revealed here and is repeated in the Advertisements, 17, 21.

1. It is fairly clear that the 20 patentees, under the aegis of Sir William Alexander, who "divided my [Smith's] map [of New England] into twenty parts," based the division on a map by Samuel de Champlain. Champlain's published map of 1632 confirms this, though chronologically it is impossible for it to have been copied. Whatever the immediate source of Sir William's map (or its ultimate debt to Smith's), Smith's protest is in some measure justified. He, in any event, had not seen any other possible source (see the expansion of this theme in the Advertisements, 22–23). Cf. Richard Arthur Preston, Gorges of Plymouth Fort: A Life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Captain of Plymouth Fort, Governor of New England, and Lord of the Province of Maine (Toronto, 1953), 224, 278, 422, n. 68.

2. With regard to this involved issue, see Preston, Gorges of Plymouth Fort, 191–196, 191–196nn.

3. The Massachusetts Bay Company. Any discussion of this movement is far beyond the scope of this edition of Capt. John Smith's works.

4. Usually spelled "Doddridge" or "Doderidge."

5. Smith has once more lost himself in a highly "conditional" sentence. He obviously means that the newborn Dutch colony at New York Bay would not have come into being if the two English colonies of Virginia and New England had been developed "as it was intended."

6. Here Smith returns to his conception of himself as parent of the colonies (see the Generall Historie, 241).

7. The editor was unable to identify this allusion.

8. Perhaps read: "for promoting plantations."

9. This paragraph is obviously derived from chap. 11 of Purchas's Pilgrimes (IV, 1247–1250), which in turn was taken from MSS previously in Hakluyt's possession (see mark "H" in Purchas's table of contents).

1. Usually spelled "Manoa."

2. Tales.

3. "Sparrey" in Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1247.

4. Smith has inserted this sentence; it is not in Purchas (ibid., 1247–1250).

5. Capt. Charles Leigh sailed for "Guiana" (the area between the Orinoco and the Amazon) on Mar. 21, 1604, and died on shipboard a year later. He was the brother of Sir Oliph (Olyph) Leigh (see the Biographical Directory; the Dictionary of Canadian Biography; and Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1250–1255). Below, the "Weapoco" is modern Oyapock River.

6. Roe was in Guiana c. 1610. He was ambassador to the Great Mogul Jahangir from 1613 to 1619 and ambassador to the Sublime Porte in Istanbul from 1621 to 1628; see the Biographical Directory.

7. See the True Relation, sig. A3r.

8. See p. 51, below.

9. I.e., explore it more thoroughly.

1. Smith's chronology is not entirely sound. Leigh was the first Englishman to explore the coast; Robert Harcourt, the second. Harcourt reached the "Weapoco" (Oyapock) May 17, 1609; Roe arrived in the Amazon c. Apr. 30, 1610. For the details of Harcourt's voyage, see C. Alexander Harris, ed., A Relation of a Voyage to Guiana by Robert Harcourt, 1613 (Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., LX [London, 1928]), which includes the additions made in 1626 in the 2d ed. Although Smith undoubtedly used the version in Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1267–1273, he may well have had access to the 2d ed. of the original.

2. This is summed up in V. T. Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions to the West Indies and Guiana, 1623–1667 (Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., LVI [London, 1925]), lxxv–lxxxvii. Here Smith's account is occasionally used as a historical source, with exception taken to only two passages: the 50 or 60 men left "in the River Weapoco" (at the beginning of the paragraph) is termed a probable exaggeration, and Smith's statement that Capt. Roger North formed his company "not knowing of the Interest of Captaine Harcote" (at the end of the paragraph) is said to be erroneous (ibid., lxxii, lxxvi).

3. See Harris, ed., Voyage by Harcourt, 11–12.

4. Harris has a brief mention of the Dutch in this region (ibid., 30–32), and there are references in James A. Williamson, English Colonies in Guiana and on the Amazon, 1604– 1668 (Oxford, 1923), which remains a basic reference work. "Reduced" in the next phrase means merely "caused to join."

5. Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, Conde de Gondomar, surely must be included among the most meddlesome ambassadors at any court in Smith's day. From the point of view of Philip III of Spain, however, he was a vital protector of Spanish claims in northern South America (see the editor's Introduction to New Englands Trials [1620]).

6. For Painton and Parker, see the brief mention in Harris, ed., Voyage by Harcourt, 12.

7. For Capt. Thomas Warner and the story of the settlement of Saint Christopher (now Saint Kitts), Nevis, and Barbados, see Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, 1–17.

8. The description of the Amazon is roughly accurate. Its main stream lies between 2 and 3 degrees S latitude, and its delta lies athwart the equator.

9. A rush of fresh water. Some have said that the Amazon's flood is noticeable 100 mi. out to sea.

1. This would seem to refer to the junction of the Rio Negro with the Amazon, about 12 mi. below modern Manaus and 900-odd mi. from the Atlantic.

2. The name does not import "giant-like women," but women ready to fight. Francisco Orellana, friend and companion of Pizarro, descended the river from Peru in 1541 and named it "Amazonas" because of an affray in which the Tapuya women fought alongside the men.

3. Here Smith is almost, though briefly, taking the place of Hakluyt and Purchas. For Ralph Merrifield, see Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, xv, xvi.

4. "Cassava bread, potatoes, plantains, pineapples. ..."

5. "Iguanas."

6. Apparently a local name only. The editor has not succeeded in finding Smith's source for this word, but suggests that it may be equivalent to the "mobby" of Barbados in use about 1650, which was made of potatoes, then boiled and strained through a bag with water added — "it will not last above one day" (Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, 46). Elsewhere it is stated that "the potatos makes good drink ..." (ibid., 93).

7. This was Pierre Belain, sieur d'Esnambuc, who first attempted colonization of the French Antilles between 1627 and 1636.

8. "Piraguas."

9. Sir Thomas Warner's colony did not really get on its feet for several years. Frequently short of food, it was beset by the Caribs and by the French (see Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, xviii — xix). Smith is one of the chief English sources for the history of this period.

1. Marine tortoises; a most welcome addition to their scanty supplies.

2. On July 2, 1627, James Hay, earl of Carlisle (fl. 1603–1636), was made lord proprietor of all the Caribbean islands, under letters patent granted by Charles I, despite the prior claims of Captain Warner.

3. The tail of a stingray is dangerous but not poisonous. The misconception was Smith's (cf. the Proceedings, 34).

4. Sir Samuel, it will be remembered, was a loyal friend and backer of Smith's (see sig. A2V, above).

5. For a fuller account of Sir William Tufton's appointment and other developments in Barbados, see Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, xxiv, 75.

6. Identities uncertain; Prinne cannot have been Capt. Martin Pring (see the Generall Historie, 18; and the Advertisement, 38), since Pring died in 1626 in Bristol.

7. Smith seems to be confused here. Tegreeman was the name of the king, who was indeed killed, early in 1624 (Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, xv–xvi, 1–2).

8. A friend and backer of Warner's (ibid., xv–xvii). See p. 51, above.

9. Saint Kitts is 17° 20' N lat. and 23 mi. (37 km.) in length, but only 6 mi. (9 km.) wide. Below, the number of islands in the West Indies should be stated as "uncounted."

1. Martinique today; the Carib name was Madinina. Margarita is off the coast of Venezuela.

2. "Deceado" is apparently Désirade, just E of Guadeloupe. "Mevis" is the usual mistake for Nevis. "Bernardo" is Barbuda, NE of Nevis; Saint Martin and Saint-Barthélemy, NW.

3. Smith seems to be tapping a new source here. His account reads very much like that in the introduction to Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, xv–xvii. For one contemporary source, see John Featly, A Sermon Preached to ... Sir Thomas Warner: And the rest of his Companie: Bound to the West-Indies ... (London, 1629).

4. Blast.

5. "Tortoises"; see p. 52n, above.

6. The passeriform order, typified by the genus Passer (sparrow), includes more than half of existing birds.

7. A frequent variant of "cassava."

8. "Maize," corn.

9. Apparently a Carib word; a small tree bearing a waxy pulp from which an orange-red dye is made.

1. "Locust."

2. This does not seem to have been identified, although "pengromes" is faintly reminiscent of "pomegranates." Smith has possibly garbled his source.

3. Perhaps for moco-moco, the Carib name for a kind of arum.

4. Salted.

5. The identities of these authors have not been established.

6. Whether the error was in Smith's source or in the copying, Barbados is rather SSE of Saint Kitts, at a direct distance of over 350 mi. (560 km.), NE of Trinidad by 210 mi. (335 km.), and only a little farther from Cabo de Salinas, modern Venezuela, just across Dragon's Mouth (Bocas del Dragón) from Trinidad.

7. The Essequibo (or Dissequibe) River in modern Guyana. For a modern study of Henry Powell's venture, with documents, see Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, xxix– xxxi, 36–42.

8. Punctuate: "neere the middest of the I[s]le, of Bitume[n], which is. ..." The substance was later locally known as manjak (see the OED).

9. The fuller form "crab apple" does not appear until the 18th century. "Mancinell" is a variant of "manchineel."

10. Apparently an error for "guava," by confusion with "iguana."

1. "Fustic."

2. Corn, maize; Smith obviously quoted without thinking.

3. "Wod," "wods," were variants of "wood," "woods."

4. John Powell was the brother of Henry, mentioned on p. 55, above.

5. Depositions pertinent to the three Powells and to Barbados are printed in Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, 36–42.

6. Identities not established.

7. "Nevis." Smith barely mentioned this island in the Proceedings, 3, or in the Generall Historie, 42. For George Percy's fuller account of the colonists' visit of Mar. 27 to Apr. 3, 1607, see Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606–1609 (Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CXXXVI–CXXXVII [Cambridge, 1669]), I, 131–132.

8. The poisonous plant was probably manchineel (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 117, 429, n. 3). It seems odd that George Percy did not mention the matter.

9. Thomas Littleton was a merchant who had a commission from the earl of Carlisle (see Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, 5, 14–17, 85n).

1. Smith or his source may have confused Barbados with Barbuda, which is c. 70 mi. (110 km.) ENE. Neither island is "a barren rocke," Barbados (much the larger) being 166 sq. mi. (430 sq. km.) in area. The coral reefs, however, could have deterred the first explorers.

2. I.e., alien and divers.

3. This is apparently the same man as Anthony Hilton, who sailed for Virginia in 1623 (Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the Virginia Company of London [Washington, D.C., 1906–1935], IV, 164–167), returned to England, and sailed once again, to become one of the earliest planters in Saint Kitts (Harlow, ed., Colonising Expeditions, 4–8). Edward Tompson may have been the same as, or related to, Morice Thompson of Saint Kitts (ibid., 26n).

4. Variant of "waste." — unoccupied.

5. This paragraph is an expanded reading of the last paragraph of the Purchas version (p. 1370).

6. The True Relation, sig. C3r, has "Quiyoughquosicke" instead of "Idoll."

7. See p. 52n, above. The rest of this sentence should probably read: "how he drove Powhatan out of his country, took the kings of Pamaunke and Paspahegh prisoners, forced thirty-nine of those kings to pay him tribute, and subjected all the savages...."

8. Smith has at last "corrected" his spelling of the Ile de Ré, off La Rochelle (see the Description of N.E., 56n).

9. Several small books and pamphlets about pirates were printed during Smith's lifetime. Reference is made below only to the most significant, along with modern works.

1. See E[dward] Roland Williams, Some Studies of Elizabethan Wales (Newtown, Montgomeryshire, 1924), chap. 9 of which is devoted to John Callice. This colorful pirate, who took up piracy about 1574, was a cousin of Henry Herbert, second earl of Pembroke.

2. See Clinton, Purser and Arnold, to Their Countreymen wheresoever (London, [1583?]), reprinted in J. P. Collier, ed., Illustrations of Early English Popular Literature (London, 1863–1864), II.

3. For Capt. Thomas Flemyng, see M[ichael] Oppenheim, ed., The Naval Tracts of Sir William Monson (Navy Records Society, Publications, XXII, XXIII, XLIII, XLV, XLVII [London, 1902–1914]), I, 154.

4. The ancient town of Sallee (modern Salé) stands just across the Bou Regreg from Rabat, Morocco. It was a famous pirates' nest.

5. Mers-el-Kebir, four miles W of Oran, Algeria, another famous pirates' nest. Below, "Cuta" is of course Ceuta.

6. Arcila (or Arzila) is just S of Tangier, on the Atlantic; Mazagan is SW of Casablanca.

7. Jack Ward made a name for himself (see [John Ward], Newes from Sea, of Two Notorious Pyrats, Ward the Englishman and Danseker the Dutchman [London, (1609)]; and Andrew Barker, A True and Certaine Report of the Beginning, Proceedings, Overthrowes, and now Present Estate of Captaine Ward and Danseker, the Two Late Famous Pirates ... [London, 1609]; note the word "late").

8. For Bishop, see [James Harris], The Lives, Apprehensions, Arraignments, and Executions, of the Nineteen Late Pyrates ... (London, [1609]).

9. For Peter Easton, see Sir Godfrey Fisher, Barbary Legend: War, Trade, and Piracy in North Africa, 1415–1830 (Oxford, 1957), 138–139: he "settled down as a wealthy Catholic and marquis in Savoy."

1. Jennings was the best known of the following list (see [Harris], Lives, Apprehensions, Arraignments).

2. An older form of "quarrelsome."

3. Composed; an unusual sense.

4. A common alteration of "renegade."

5. Plunder.

6. An editorial summation of "Jacobean Piracy" is to be found in Oppenheim, ed., Naval Tracts of Monson, III, 69–74, and specific references are listed in the index, V, 355, s.v. "Pirates," but pertinent material is at hand in many sources. The ocean truly was swarming with pirates of all kinds.

7. I.e., in regard of the excessive number of them.

The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.

The following lists have been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the Institute of Early American History and Culture. The list immediately below records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to print the word as a single word or as a hyphenated compound. The material before the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material after the bracket indicates how the word was broken in the original. The wavy dash symbol indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.

The list below contains words found as hyphenated compounds in the copy text that unavoidably had to be broken at the end of the line at the hyphen in the present text. In quoting or transcribing from the present text, the hyphen should be retained for these words. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.

29. August 1629.

 Thomas Slaughter Entred for his Copie under the handes of master Doctor Jefferay and master Purfoote Warden The true travells adventures and observations of Captaine John Smith in Europe Asia etc from Anno Domini 1593 to 1629 ..... vid

 (Arber, ed., Registers, IV, 218.)

Early:
1630.

• THE ∥ TRUE TRAVELS, ∥ ADVENTURES, ∥ AND ∥ OBSERVATIONS ∥ OF ∥ Captaine John Smith, ∥ In Europe, Asia, Affrica, and America, from Anno ∥ Domini 1593. to 1629. ∥ His Accidents and Sea-fights in the Straights; his Service ∥ and Stratagems of warre in Hungaria, Transilvania, Wallachia, and ∥ Mol- davia, against the Turks, and Tartars; his three single combats ∥ betwixt the Christian Armie and the Turkes. ∥ After how he was taken prisoner by the Turks, sold for a Slave, sent into ∥ Tartaria; his description of the Tartars, their strange manners and customes of ∥ Religions, Diets, Buildings, Warres, Feasts, Ceremonies, and ∥ Living; how hee slew the Bashaw of Nalbrits, in Cambia, ∥ and escaped from the Turkes and Tartars. ∥ Together with a continuation of his generall History of Virginia, ∥ Summer- Iles, New England, and their proceedings, since 1624. to this ∥ present 1629; as also of the new Plantations of the great ∥ River of the Amazons, the Iles of St. Christopher Mevis, ∥ and Barbados, in the West Indies. ∥ All written by actuall Authours, whose names ∥ you shall finde along the History. ∥ [Horizontal rule] ∥ London, ∥ Printed by J. H. for Thomas Slater, and are to bee ∥ sold at the Blew Bible in Greene Arbour. 1630. ∥

  Folio, pp. [12], 60. A in six (with Smith's arms on the verso of the title page in many copies), B — G in fours, H in six. Folded plate in nine compartments at end (though the Grenville copy in the B.L. has all nine cut apart and pasted on inserts in the text [shelf mark G 7195]). The plate appears in two states with minor differences, and the headpiece of sig. A3r appears in two forms (for the details, see Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX [New York, 1927– 1928], 260). In some copies, p. 15 is mispaged 13, while mispaging of p. 34 as 36 is more common. [NOTE: See the abbreviated version published by Samuel Purchas in Pilgrimes (1625), II, 1361–1370, reprinted as Fragment J, below.]

1678.

• An abridged translation, Seer gedenckwaerdige vorjagian, etc., trans. J. Sanderson (Amsterdam), has been noted by Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608–1631 (Birmingham, 1884), cxxxi, but has not been available to the editor.

Modern:
1704.

• A Collection of Voyages and Travels, ed. John Churchill (London).

1706.

• Naaukeurige versameling ..., ed. Pieter van der Aa (Leiden).

1707.

• Wijd-Beroemde voyagien ... gedaan door de Engelsen, I, ed. Pieter van der Aa (Leiden).

1727.

• Reprint, Wijd-Beroemde voyagien ..., ed. Pieter van der Aa (Leiden).

1732.

• Collection of Voyages, ed. Churchill. Another edition.

1744–1746.

• Another edition.

1752.

• Another edition.

1819.

• The True Travels, Adventures and Observations ..., [ed. John Holt Rice] (Richmond, Va.).

1884, etc.

• Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608–1631, ed. Edward Arber (Birmingham). See the list of issues of the Arber text in the General Introduction in Volume I.

1907.

• The True Travels and Adventures of Captain John Smith, ed. Alexander J. Philip (London and New York).

1907.

• The Generall Historie of Virginia ... Together with The True Travels ... and A Sea Grammar, 2 vols. (Glasgow).

1908.

• English Literature for Schools, ed. E. A. Benians (Cambridge).

1930.

• The True Travels, Adventures, and Observations ..., intro. by John Gould Fletcher and bibliographical note by Lawrence C. Wroth (New York).

1631

The Advertisements, in addition to being a continuation of the last eight chapters of the True Travels, is also a summation of all Smith had to say about the colonization of Virginia and New England. This theme should be no surprise, for everything Smith wrote centered around the subject of colonization, barring his brief excursions into nautical terminology and autobiography.

What is a surprise, perhaps, is that we find in the Advertisements a freer hand in writing. At the same time, although he had been publishing books in a steady stream for twenty-two years, his mind seems still to gallop ahead of his pen. Even in this, his last publication, paragraphs of uncommon literary strength and skill alternate with passages of exasperating obscurity for lack of literary finish. Some of the latter may be due to the absence of formal education in his Lincolnshire youth, for he was trained by experience rather than by schooling. Yet the bulk of these unpolished interruptions in lucidity can be attributed primarily to carelessness, a shortcoming that remained with him to the end.

By and large, however, the editor must agree with Everett Emerson, an uncommonly perceptive critic of Smith as a litterateur, that the Advertise- ments is Smith's most attractive work. Despite all, it does read easily. It also has more semblance of organization than his previous works, and the sincerity of his broad aims shines through it. Smith here is a wounded warrior, but a less petulant one; the braggart is less in evidence and we see instead pride of accomplishment. In short, this little book, taken by itself, is convincing.

It is possible, as Emerson appears to suggest, that this change in Smith was a result of an alleged greater interest in religion, as shown in chapter 14 (pp. 32–34) and in the dedication to the archbishops of Canterbury and York. Smith's attitude toward religion is not at all clear, however. Despite his strongly egalitarian tendencies when he was in confrontation with peers, knights, and merchant princes, he was basically a conservative, and he clearly believed in the monarchy with its church connection. On the other hand, his puritanical way of life must have inclined him away from some of the ostentation of the Anglican church, at the same time that he was repelled by separatists of any color whatever (especially the Pilgrims of Plymouth, Massachusetts). He admired the Puritans who founded the Massachusetts Bay Colony, but he does not seem to have considered them "Puritans".

In fine, it seems to the editor that Smith's dedication of the Advertise- ments was less a matter of religion than it was the consequence of one of two trains of thought. George Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury, had befriended Samuel Purchas, and Purchas had helped Smith. In 1627 Abbot had incurred King Charles's displeasure and had been deprived of his functions as primate (though not of his position as archbishop). Thus he had suffered for his views, much as Smith had. So it would have been a dedication out of sympathy, with Archbishop Samuel Harsnett included out of a sense of propriety. Still, we must also consider a more complicated incentive that may be more to the purpose.

Smith was already at work on another book when he took the Advertise- ments in hand: "my history of the Sea, if God be pleased I live to finish it."1 He had dedicated his Generall Historie to Frances Howard, the duchess of Richmond and Lennox, the Accidence and the Sea Grammar to the Privy Council et al., and the True Travels to three earls. Unless he approached the king himself, whom he perhaps reserved mentally for the book he had just begun, it was time to address the archbishops — fellow authors with John Smith! Thus, although the matter is one of opinion only, the editor sees little if any more "religion" in the Advertisements than elsewhere. Smith's theological luggage was limited almost entirely to piety and the fear of God; he became intolerant in religion only toward those whose beliefs might endanger the state. (Note Smith's dispassion as regards the "divine Powers" of the Indians.)

While these matters have immediate bearing on the Advertisements, the genesis of the work is at least equally worthy of discussion. Three individuals emerge as directly involved, even though their priority in action cannot be determined. As we know, John Haviland (fl. 1613–1638) was one of the two printers who sped the Generall Historie through the press. It was also he who had quite recently printed Smith's True Travels. Haviland was one of the best workmen in the printing trade in London at the time2 and was actively embarking on a completely independent career.3 All of this points to Haviland having been at least one of the friends who requested Smith "to print this discourse."4

Meanwhile, the True Travels, it would seem, did not come off the press before March 25, 1630 (the first day of the legal year), but within six months or so (in October) we find John Smith happily housed with Sir Humphrey Mildmay (previously unmentioned) and at work on his new book.5 Sir Humphrey has been described as "undistinguished" but possessed of an unusually wide circle of friends, "with much visiting, festivity, and feasting,"6 and therefore hardly the type John Smith would ordinarily have found congenial, especially at the age of fifty (Sir Humphrey celebrated his thirty-eighth birthday October 28, 1630). But the factor that brought them together is easily found. Sir Humphrey's first cousin, Sir Henry Capel, married Theodosia Montagu, the sister-in-law of Robert Bertie, earl of Lindsey since 1626 and Smith's friend and landlord as far back as either could remember. Furthermore, Sir Humphrey had a large manor house in Danbury, near Chelmsford, Essex, and only a day's ride from London. His diary, which unfortunately begins only in 1633, shows that he spent a great deal of time in London, but entertained both there and in Danbury. There would have been plenty of room for John Smith, with whose opinions about the Puritans Sir Humphrey heartily concurred.

Between Haviland the printer and the social and family (and royalistic) ties that bound Bertie and Mildmay, we may soundly account for the sudden appearance of the Advertisements as Smith's last work. The book itself, apart from what has already been said, needs no further introduction. It is a fitting close to Smith's literary career. In that career, Smith succeeded with somewhat surprising grace, whereas he had repined his failure in the colonial field far too long.

One technical editorial matter needs to be mentioned here. The original publication of Smith's Advertisements included a reprinting of the map of New England (in the seventh state) that Smith had used in the Description of New England (1616) and also in the Generall Historie (1624). Since the editor has reprinted in this edition both the first state of the map of New England (see Volume I) and the eighth state (see Volume II), we are omitting the map Here.

1. See p. 26, below.

2. Henry R. Plomer, A Short History of English Printing, 1476–1898 (London, 1900), 170.

3. R. B. McKerrow, ed., A Dictionary of Printers and Booksellers in England, Scotland and Ireland ... 1557–1640 (London, 1910), 131–132.

4. See pp. 38, 38n, below.

5. Ibid., 30, 25.

6. Philip Lee Ralph, Sir Humphrey Mildmay, Royalist Gentleman: Glimpses of the English Scene, 1633–1652 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1947), vii, 38.

ADVERTISEMENTS For the unexperienced Planters of New England, or any where. OR The Path-way to experience to erect a PLANTATION.

With the yearely proceedings of this Country in Fishing and Planting, since the yeare 1614. to the yeare 1630. and their present estate.

Also how to vrevent the greatest inconviences, by their proceedings in Virginia, and other Plantations, by approved examples.

With the Countries Armes, a description of the Coast, Harbours, Habitations, Land-markes, Latitude and Longitude: with the Map, allowed by our Royall King CHARLES.

Captaine John Smith, sometimes Governour of VIRGINIA, and Admirall of NEW-ENGLAND.

LONDON, Printed by JOHN HAVILAND, and are to be sold by ROBERT MILBOURNE, at the Grey-hound in Pauls Church-yard. 1631.

["Advertisements" here means "advice, information, admonitions." Below, "approved examples" are those that have been tested or tried by experience. The "Countries Armes" refers to the heraldic device on the next page.

The editor is grateful to The John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island, for permission to reproduce this title page.]

[This unrecorded coat of arms was apparently intended by Smith to be the arms of New England. Note Smith's reference on the title page to the "Countries Armes." Dr. Conrad Swan, York Herald of Arms, believes that the arms were the "creation of someone other than the Kings of Arms" (letter to the editor, May 5, 1972). The shield simply puts the Royal Stuart arms (see, for example, the top portion of the map of New England for a depiction) in the upper half and adds symbolic waves on the bottom half. According to Dr. Swan, the waves would probably have been blue with a silver background. The meaning of the Latin motto is obscure. Literally it states: "A race unknown will be subject to me."

The editor is grateful to The John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island, for permission to reproduce the coat of arms.]

My most Gracious Good Lords, I desire to leave testimony to the world, how highly I honour as well the Miter as the Lance: therefore where my last Booke presented three most honourable Earles with a subject of Warre, and received from them favourable acceptance: the worke I now prosecute, concerning the Plantation of New-England, for the increase of Gods Church, ∥ converting salvages, and enlarging the Kings Dominions, prostrates it selfe humbly to your Graces; who as you are in the name of Prelacy to this Kingdome, so you are to mee in goodnesse both Fathers and Protectors unexpectedly. God long preserve your Gracious lives, and continue favour

1. George Abbot was raised to the see of Canterbury in 1611 and died in 1633 (see the Biographical Directory).

2. Samuel Harsnett was raised to the see of York in 1629 and died in 1631.

Unto both your Graces most devoted servant, John Smith.

Honest Reader,

Apelles by the proportion of a foot, could make the whole proportion of a man:3 were hee now living, he might goe to schoole, for now are thousands can by opinion proportion Kingdomes, Cities, and Lordships, that never durst adventure to see them. Malignancy, I expect from those, have lived 10. or 12. yeares in those actions, and returne as wise as they went, claiming time and experience for their tutor, that can neither shift Sun nor Moone,4 nor say their Compasse, yet will tell you of more than all the world, betwixt the Exchange, Pauls and Westminster: so it be newes, it matters not what, that will passe currant when truth must be stayed with an army of conceits that can make or marre any thing, and tell as well what all England is by seeing but Milford haven, as what Apelles was by the picture of his great toe. Now because examples give a quicker impression than arguments, I have writ this discourse to satisfie understanding, wisdome, and honesty, and not such as can doe nothing but finde fault with that they neither know nor can amend. So I rest

3. The editor has not found Smith's source for this bon mot about Apelles.

4. "Shift" here means "record the positions of."

Your friend John Smith.

\ Aloofe, aloofe, and come no neare,
the dangers doe appeare;
Which if my ruine had not beene
you had not seene:
I onely lie upon this shelfe
to be a marke to all
which on the same might fall,
That none may perish but my selfe.

\ If in or outward you be bound,
doe not forget to sound;
Neglect of that was cause of this
to steare amisse.
The Seas were calme, the wind was faire,
that made me so secure,
that now I must indure
All weathers be they foule or faire.

\ The Winters cold, the Summers heat,
alternatively beat
Upon my bruised sides, that rue
because too true
That no releefe can ever come.
But why should I despaire
being promised so faire
That there shall be a day of Dome.

5. While the underlying idea of "The Sea Marke" is to be found also in William Strachey's verses beginning "Harke! Twas the trump of death that blewe" (quoted in S. G. Culliford, William Strachey, 1572–1621 [Charlottesville, Va., 1965], 140–141), the unusual meter is to be found in a poem by Francis Bacon, Viscount St. Albans, "Humane Life characterized" (printed in Joshua Sylvester,Panthea: or, Divine Wishes and Meditations ... [London, 1630], sig. Div).

• Chapter 1.
• What people they are that begin this plantation, the bane of Virginia: strange misprisions of wise men.
• Chapter 2.
• Needlesse custome, effect of flattery, cause of misery, factions, carelesse government, the dissolving the Company and Patent.
• Chapter 3.
• A great comfort to new England, it is no Iland, a strange plague.
• Chapter 4.
• Our right to those Countries, true reasons for plantations, rare examples.
• Chapter 5.
• My first voyage to new England, my returne and profit.
• Chapter 6.
• A description of the Coast, Harbours, Habitations, Land-marks, Latitude, Longitude, with the map.
• Chapter 7.
• New Englands yearely trials, the planting new Plimoth, supprisals6 prevented, their wonderfull industry and fishing.
• Chapter 8.
• Extremity next despaire, Gods great mercy, their estate, they make good salt, an unknowne rich myne.
• Chapter 9.
• Notes worth observation, miserablenesse no good husbandry.
• Chapter 10.
• The mistaking of Patents, strange effects, incouragements for servants.
• Chapter 11.
• The planting Bastable or Salem and Charlton, a description of the Massachusets.
• Chapter 12.
• Extraordinary meanes for building, many caveats, increase of corne, how to spoyle the woods, for any thing, their healths.
• Chapter 13.
• Their great supplies, present estate and accidents, advantage.
• Chapter 14.
• Ecclesiasticall government in Virginia, authority from the Arch Bishop, their beginning at Bastable now called Salem.
• Chapter 15.
• The true modell of a plantation, tenure, increase of trade, true examples, necessity of expert Souldiers, the names of all the first discoverers for plantations and their actions, what is requisite to be in the Governour of a plantation, the expedition of Queene Elizabeths Sea Captaines.

6. "Supprisals" is not recorded in the OED, though the meaning, "military surprises," is clear.

THE Warres in Europe, Asia, and Affrica, taught me how to subdue the wilde salvages in Virginia and New-England, in America;1 which now after many a stormy blast of ignorant contradictors, projectors, and undertakers, both they and I have beene so tossed and tortured into so many extremities, as despaire was the next wee both ∥ expected, till it pleased God now at last to stirre up some good mindes, that I hope will produce glory to God, honour to his Majesty, and profit to his Kingdomes, although all our Plantations have beene so foyled2 and abused, their best good willers have beene for the most part discouraged, and their good intents disgraced, as the generall History of them will at large truly relate you.

Pardon me if I offend in loving that I have cherished truly, by the losse of my prime fortunes, meanes, and youth: If it over-glad me to see Industry her selfe adventure now to make use of my aged endevours, not by such (I hope) as rumour doth report, a many of discontented Brownists,3 Anabaptists, Papists, Puritans, Separatists, and such factious Humorists, for no such they will suffer among them, if knowne, as many of the chiefe of them have assured mee, and the much conferences I have had with many of them, doth confidently perswade me to write thus much in their behalfe. No Brownist nor Separatist admitted.

I meane not the Brownists of Leyden and Amsterdam at New-Plimoth, who although by accident, ignorance, and wilfulnesse, have indured with a wonderfull patience, many losses and extremities; yet they subsist and prosper so well, not any of them will abandon the Country, but to the utmost of their powers increase their numbers: But of those which are gone within this eighteene moneths for Cape Anne, and the Bay of the Massachusets: those which are their chiefe Undertakers are Gentlemen of good estate, some of 500, some a thousand pound land a yeere, all which they say they will sell for the advancing this harmlesse and pious worke; men of good credit and well-beloved in their Country, not such as flye for debt, or any scandall at home, and are good Catholike Protestants according to the reformed Church of England, if not, it is well they are gone: the rest of them men of good meanes, or Arts, Occupations, and Qualities, much more fit for such a businesse, and better furnished of all necessaries if they arrive well, than was ever any Plantation went out of England: I will not say but some of them may be more precise than needs, nor that they all be so good as they should be, ∥ for Christ had but twelve Apostles, and one was a traitor; and if there be no dissemblers among them, it is more than a wonder: therefore doe not condemne all for some; but however they have as good authority from his Majesty as they could desire, if they doe ill, the losse is but their owne; if well, a great glory and exceeding good to this Kingdome, to make good at last what all our former conclusions have disgraced. Now they take not that course the Virginia company did for the Planters there, their purses and lives were subject to some few here in London who were never there, that consumed all in Arguments, Projects, and their owne conceits, every yeere trying new conclusions, altering every thing yearely as they altered opinions, till they had consumed more than two hundred thousand pounds, and neere eight thousand mens lives. What they are that beginne this Plantation. The bane of Virginia.

It is true, in the yeere of our Lord 1622. they were about seven or eight thousand4 English indifferently well furnished with most necessaries, and many of them grew to that height of bravery,5 living in that plenty and excesse, that went thither not worth any thing, made the Company here thinke all the world was Oatmeale6 there, and all this proceeded by surviving those that died, nor were they ignorant to use as curious tricks there as here, and out of the juice of Tabacco, which at first they sold at such good rates, they regarded nothing but Tabacco; a commodity then so vendable, it provided them all things: and the loving salvages their kinde friends, they trained so well up to shoot in7 a Peece, to hunt and kill them fowle, they became more expert than our owne Country-men, whose labours were more profitable to their Masters in planting Tabacco, and other businesse.

This superfluity caused my poore beginnings scorned, or to be spoken of but with much derision,8 that never sent Ship from thence fraught, but onely some small quantities of Wainscot, Clap-board, Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Sope-ashes, Glasse, Cedar, Cypresse, Blacke Walnut, Knees for Ships, Ash for Pikes, Iron Ore none better, some Silver Ore, but so poore it was not regarded; better there may be, for I was no Mine- ∥ ralist, some Sturgion, but it was too tart of the Vinegar, which was of my owne store, for little came from them which was good; and Wine of the Countries wilde Grapes, but it was too sowre, yet better than they sent us any: in two or three yeeres but one Hogshead of Claret.9 Onely spending my time to revenge my imprisonment upon the harmlesse innocent salvages, who by my cruelty I forced to feed me with their contribution, and to send any offended my idle humour to James towne to punish at mine owne discretion; or keepe their Kings and subjects in chaines, and make them worke. Things cleane contrary to my Commission; whilest I and my company tooke our needlesse pleasures in discovering the Countries about us, building of Forts, and such unnecessary fooleries, where an Egge-shell (as they writ) had beene sufficient against such enemies; neglecting to answer the Merchants expectations with profit, feeding the Company onely with Letters and tastes of such commodities as we writ the Country would afford in time by industry, as Silke, Wines, Oyles of Olives, Rape, and Linsed, Rasons, Prunes, Flax, Hempe, and Iron, as for Tabacco, wee never then dreamt of it. The differences betwixt my beginning in Virginia and the proceedings of my successors.

Now because I sent not their ships full fraught home with those commodities, they kindly writ to me, if we failed the next returne, they would leave us there as banished men, as if houses and all those commodities did grow naturally, only for us to take at our pleasure, with such tedious Letters, directions, and instructions, and most contrary to that was fitting, we did admire how it was possible such wise men could so torment themselves and us with such strange absurdities and impossibilities, making Religion their colour, when all their aime was nothing but present profit, as most plainly appeared, by sending us so many Refiners, Gold-smiths, Jewellers, Lapidaries, Stone-cutters, Tabacco-pipe-makers, Imbroderers, Perfumers, Silkemen, with all their appurtenances, but materialls, and all those had great summes out of the common stocke: and so many spies and super-intendents over us, as if they supposed we would turne Rebels, all stri- ∥ ving to suppresse and advance they knew not what: at last got a Commission in their owne names, promising the King custome within seven yeares, where we were free for one and twenty, appointing the Lord De-la-ware for Governour, with as many great and stately officers, and offices under him, as doth belong to a great Kingdome, with good summes for their extraordinary expences; also privileges for Cities, Charters for Corporations, Universities, Free-schooles, and Glebe-land, putting all those in practice before there were either people, students, or schollers to build or use them, or provision and victuall to feed them were then there: and to amend this, most of the Tradesmen in London that would adventure but twelve pounds ten shillings, had the furnishing the Company of all such things as belonged to his trade, such jugling there was betwixt them, and such intruding Committies their associats, that all the trash they could get in London was sent us to Virginia, they being well payed for that was good. Much they blamed us for not converting the salvages, when those they sent us were little better, if not worse, nor did they all convert any of those we sent them to England for that purpose. So doating of Mines of gold, and the South Sea, that all the world could not have devised better courses to bring us to ruine than they did themselves, with many more such like strange conceits; by this you may avoid the like inconveniences, and take heed by those examples, you have not too many irons in the fire at once, neither such change of Governours, nor such a multitude of Officers, neither more Masters, Gentlemen, Gentlewomen, and children, than you have men to worke, which idle charge you will finde very troublesome, and the effects dangerous, and one hundred good labourers better than a thousand such Gallants as were sent me, that could doe nothing but complaine, curse, and despaire, when they saw our miseries, and all things so cleane contrary to the report in England, yet must I provide as well for them as for my selfe. A strange mistake in wise men.

THIS the Mariners and Saylers did ever all they could to conceale, who had alwayes both good fare, and good pay for the most part, and part out of our owne purses, never caring how long they stayed upon their voyage, daily feasting before our faces, when wee lived upon a little corne and water, and not halfe enough of that, the most of which we had from amongst the salvages. Now although there be Deere in the woods, Fish in the rivers, and Fowles in abundance in their seasons; yet the woods are so wide, the rivers so broad, and the beasts so wild, and wee so unskilfull to catch them, wee little troubled them nor they us: for all this our letters that still signified unto them the plaine truth, would not be beleeved, because they required such things as was most necessary: but their opinion was otherwayes, for they desired but to packe over so many as they could, saying necessity would make them get victuals for themselves, as for good labourers they were more usefull here in England: but they found it otherwayes; the charge was all one to send a workman as a roarer,10 whose clamors to appease, we had much adoe to get fish and corne to maintaine them from one supply till another came with more loyterers without victuals still to make us worse and worse, for the most of them would rather starve than worke; yet had it not beene for some few that were Gentlemen, both by birth, industry, and discretion, we could not possibly have subsisted. The effect of flattery, the cause of misery.

Many did urge I might have forced them to it, having authority that extended so farre as death: but I say, having neither meat, drinke, lodging, pay, nor hope of any thing, or preferment: and seeing the Merchants onely did what they listed with all they wrought for, I know not what punishment could be greater than that they indured; which miseries caused us alwaies to be in factions, the most part striving ∥ by any meanes to abandon the Country, and I with my party to prevent them and cause them stay. But indeed the cause of our factions was bred here in England, and grew to that maturity among themselves that spoyled all, as all the Kingdome and other Nations can too well testifie: Yet in the yeare 1622. there were about seven or eight thousand English, as hathbeene said, so well trained, secure, and well furnished, as they reported and conceited. These simple salvages their bosome friends, I so much oppressed, had laid their plot how to cut all their throats in a morning, and upon the 22. of March, so innocently attempted it, they slew three hundred forty seven, set their houses on fire, slew their cattell, and brought them to that distraction and confusion within lesse than a yeare, there were not many more than two thousand remaining: the which losse to repaire the company did what they could, till they had consumed all their stocke as is said; then they broke,11 not making any account, nor giving satisfaction to the Lords, Planters, Adventurers, nor any, whose noble intents had referred the managing of this intricate businesse to a few that lost not by it; so that his Majesty recalled their Commission, and by more just cause: then they perswaded King James to call in ours, which were the first beginners without our knowledge or consent, disposing of us and all our indevours at their pleasures. Take heed of factions bred in England. The Massacre in Virginia. How the company dissolved.

NOTWITHSTANDING since they have beene left in a manner, as it were, to themselves, they have increased their numbers to foure or five thousand, and neere as many cattell, with plenty of Goats, abundance of Swine, Poultry and Corne, that as they report, they have sufficient and to spare, to entertaine three or foure hundred people, which is much better than to have many people more than provision. Now having glutted the world with their too ∥ much over-abounding Tabacco: Reason, or necessity, or both, will cause them, I hope, learne in time better to fortifie themselves, and make better use of the trials of their grosse commodities that I have propounded, and at the first sent over: and were it not a lamentable dishonour so goodly a Countrey after so much cost, losse, and trouble, should now in this estate not bee regarded and supplied. And to those of New-England may it not be a great comfort to have so neare a neighbour of their owne Nation, that may furnish them with their spare cattell, swine, poultry, and other roots and fruits, much better than from England. But I feare the seed of envy, and the rust of covetousnesse doth grow too fast, for some would have all men advance Virginia to the ruine of New-England; and others the losse of Virginia to sustaine New-England, which God of his mercy forbid: for at first it was intended by that most memorable Judge Sir John Popham, then Lord chiefe Justice of England, and the Lords of his Majesties Privy Councel, with divers others, that two Colonies should be planted, as now they be, for the better strengthening each other against all occurrences; the which to performe, shal ever be in my hearty prayers to Almighty God, to increase and continue that mutuall love betwixt them for ever. The abundance of victuals now in Virginia. A great comfort for New England by Virginia.

By this you may perceive somewhat, what unexpected inconveniences are incident to a plantation, especially in such a multitude of voluntary contributers, superfluity of officers, and unexperienced Commissioners. But it is not so, as yet, with those for New-England; for they will neither beleeve nor use such officers, in that they are overseers of their owne estates, and so well bred in labour and good husbandry as any in England, where as few as I say was sent me to Virginia, but these were naught here and worse there.1 The differences betwixt the beginning of Virginia, and them of Salem.

"2 Now when these shall have laid the foundations, and provided "meanes beforehand, they may entertain all the poore artificers and "laborers in England, and their families which are burthensome to "their Parishes and Countries where they live upon almes and be"nevolence for want of worke, which if they would but pay for their "transportation, they ∥ should never be troubled with them more; "for there is vast3 land enough for all the people in England, Scot"land, and Ireland: and it seemes God hathprovided this Country "for our Nation, destroying the natives by the plague, it not touch"ing one Englishman, though many traded and were conversant "amongst them; for they had three plagues in three yeares succes"sively neere two hundred miles along the Sea coast, that in some "places there scarce remained five of a hundred, and as they report "thus it began: A necessary consideration. New-England is no Iland but the maine continent.

A fishing ship being cast away upon the coast, two of the men escaped on shore; one of them died, the other lived among the natives till he had learned their language: then he perswaded them to become Christians, shewing them a Testament, some parts thereof expounding so well as he could, but they so much derided him, that he told them hee feared his God would destroy them: whereat the King assembled all his people about a hill, himselfe with the Christian standing on the top, demanded if his God had so many people and able to kill all those? He answered yes, and surely would, and bring in strangers to possesse their land: but so long they mocked him and his God, that not long after such a sicknesse came, that of five or six hundred about the Massachusets there remained but thirty, on whom their neighbours fell and slew twenty eight: the two remaining fled the Country till the English came, then they returned and surrendred their Countrey and title to the English: if this be not true in every particular, excuse me, I pray you, for I am not the Author:4 but it is most certaine there was an exceeding great plague amongst them; for where I have seene two or three hundred, within three yeares after remained scarce thirty, but what disease it was the salvages knew not till the English told them, never having seene, nor heard of the like before. A strange plague among the salvages.

MANY good religious devout men have made it a great question, as a matter in conscience, by what warrant they might goe to possesse those Countries, which are none of theirs, but the poore salvages. Which poore curiosity will answer it selfe; for God did make the world to be inhabited with mankind, and to have his name knowne to all Nations, and from generation to generation: as the people increased they dispersed themselves into such Countries as they found most convenient. And here in Florida, Virginia, New-England, and Cannada, is more land than all the people in Christendome can manure, and yet more to spare than all the natives of those Countries can use and culturate.5 And shall we here keepe such a coyle6 for land, and at such great rents and rates, when there is so much of the world uninhabited, and as much more in other places, and as good, or rather better than any wee possesse, were it manured and used accordingly. If this be not a reason sufficient to such tender consciences; for a copper kettle and a few toyes, as beads and hatchets, they will sell you a whole Countrey; and for a small matter, their houses and the ground they dwell upon; but those of the Massachusets have resigned theirs freely. By what right wee may possesse those Countries lawfully.

Now the reasons for plantations are many; Adam7 and Eve did first begin this innocent worke to plant the earth to remaine to posterity, but not without labour, trouble, and industry: Noah and his family began againe the second plantation, and their seed as it still increased, hathstill planted new Countries, and one Country another, and so the world to that estate it is; but not without much hazard, travell, mortalities, discontents, and many disasters: had those worthy Fathers and their memorable off-spring not beene more diligent for us now in those ages, than wee are to plant that yet unplanted for after-livers. Had the seed of Abraham, our ∥ Saviour Christ Jesus and his Apostles, exposed themselves to no more dangers to plant the Gospell wee so much professe, than we, even we our selves had at this present beene as salvages, and as miserable as the most barbarous salvage, yet uncivilized. The Hebrewes, Lacedemonians, the Goths, Grecians, Romans, and the rest, what was it they would not undertake to inlarge their Territories, inrich their subjects, and resist their enemies. Those that were the founders of those great Monarchies and their vertues, were no silvered idle golden Pharisies, but industrious honest hearted Publicans, they regarded more provisions and necessaries for their people, than jewels, ease and delight for themselves; riches was their servants, not their masters; they ruled as fathers, not as tyrants; their people as children, not as slaves; there was no disaster could discourage them; and let none thinke they incountered not with all manner of incumbrances, and what hathever beene the worke of the best great Princes of the world, but planting of Countries, and civilizing barbarous and inhumane Nations to civility and humanity, whose eternall actions fils our histories with more honour than those that have wasted and consumed them by warres. True reasons for those plantations.

Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards that first began plantations in this unknowne world of America till within this 140. yeares,8 whose everlasting actions before our eyes, will testifie our idlenesse and ingratitude to all posterity, and neglect of our duty and religion wee owe our God, our King, and Countrey, and want of charity to those poore salvages,9 whose Countries we challenge, use, and possesse, except wee be but made to marre what our forefathers made, or but only tell what they did, or esteeme our selves too good to take the like paines where there is so much reason, liberty, and action offers it selfe, having as much power and meanes as others: why should English men despaire and not doe so much as any? Was it vertue in those Heros to provide that doth maintaine us, and basenesse in us to doe the like for others to come? Surely no; then seeing wee are not borne for our selves but each to helpe other, and our abilities are much alike at the ∥ howre of our birth and minute of our death: seeing our good deeds or bad, by faith in Christs merits, is all wee have to carry our soules to heaven or hell: Seeing honour is our lives ambition, and our ambition after death, to have an honourable memory of our life: and seeing by no meanes wee would be abated of the dignitie and glorie of our predecessors, let us imitate their vertues to be worthily their successors, or at least not hinder, if not further them that would and doe their utmost and best endevour. Rare examples of the Spaniards, Portugals, and the Ancients.

TO begin with the originals of the voyages to those coasts, I referre you to my generall history; for New-England by the most of them was esteemed a most barren rocky desart: Notwithstanding at the sole charge of foure Merchants of London and my selfe, 1614. within eight weekes sayling I arrived at Monahigan an Ile in America in 43. degrees 39. minutes of Northerly latitude. Had the fishing for Whale proved as we expected, I had stayed in the Country; but we found the plots wee had, so false, and the seasons for fishing and trade by the unskilfulnesse of our Pylot so much mistaken, I was contented, having taken by hookes and lines with fifteene or eighteene men at most, more than 60000. Cod in lesse than a moneth: whilest my selfe with eight others of them might best be spared, by an houre glasse of three moneths, ranging the coast in a small boat, got for trifles eleven hundred Bever skins beside Otters and Martins; all amounting to the value of fifteene hundred pound, and arrived in England with all my men in health in six or seven moneths: But Northward the French returned this yeare to France five and twenty thousand bevers and good furres, whilest we were contending about Patents and Commissions, with such fearefull incredulity that more dazeled our eyes than opened them. In this voyage I tooke the description of the coast as well by map as writing, and called ∥ it New-England; but malicious mindes amongst Sailers and others, drowned that name with the eccho of Nusconcus, Canaday, and Penaquid; till at my humble sute, our most gracious King Charles, then Prince of Wales, was pleased to confirme it by that title, and did change the barbarous names of their principall Harbours and habitations for such English, that posterity may say, King Charles was their Godfather; and in my opinion it should seeme an unmannerly presumption in any that doth alter them without his leave. My first voyage to Norumbega now called New-England. 1614. We got 1500. pound in six moneths. 25000. Bevers sent to France.

My second voyage was to beginne a Plantation, and to doe what else I could, but by extreme tempests that bore neare all my Masts by the boord, being more than two hundred leagues at Sea, was forced to returne to Plimoth with a Jury-Mast. The third was intercepted by English and French Pyrats, by my trecherous company that betrayed me to them, who ran away with my Ship and all that I had, such enemies the Sailers were to a Plantation, and the greatest losse being mine, did easily excuse themselves to the Merchants in England, that still provided to follow the fishing: much difference there was betwixt the Londoners and the Westerlings to ingrosse it, who now would adventure thousands, that when I went first would not adventure a groat; yet there went foure or five good Ships, but what by their dissention, and the Turkes men of warre that tooke the best of them in the Straits, they scarce saved themselves this yeare. At my returne from France I did my best to have united them, but that had beene more than a worke for Hercules, so violent is the folly of greedy covetousnesse. My second and third voyage. 1615. 1616.

THIS Country wee now speake of, lyeth betwixt 41. and 44 ½ the very meane for heat and cold betwixt the Equinoctiall and the North Pole, in which I have sounded about five and twenty very good Harbors; in many ∥ whereof is Ancorage for five hundred good ships of any burthen, in some of them for a thousand, and more than three hundred Iles overgrowne with good timber, or divers sorts of other woods; in most of them (in their seasons) plenty of wilde fruits, Fish, and Fowle, and pure springs of most excellent water pleasantly distilling from their rockie foundations. The principall habitations I was at North-ward, was Pennobscot, who are in warres with the Terentines, their next Northerly neighbours. Southerly up the Rivers, and along the Coast, wee found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumughcawgen, and Kenabeca: to those belong the Countries and people of Segotago, Pauhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, etc. To those are alied in confederacy, the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquak, Augawoam and Naemkeck, all these for any thing I could perceive differ little in language or any thing, though most of them be Sagamos, and Lords of themselves, yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot the chiefe and greatest amongst them. The next is Mattahunt, Totant, Massachuset, Paconekick, then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet, the Iles Nawset and Capawuck, neere which are the shoules of Rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the maine Sea twenty leagues, and very dangerous betwixt the degrees of 40. and 41. A description of the Country.

Now beyond Cape Cod, the land extendeth it selfe Southward to Virginia, Florida, the West-Indies, the Amazons, and Brasele, to the straits of Magelanus, two and fifty degrees Southward beyond the Line; all those great Countries, differing as they are in distance North or South from the Equinoctiall, in temper, heat, cold, Woods, Fruits, Fishes, Beasts, Birds, the increase and decrease of the night and day, to six moneths day and six moneths night. Some say, many of those Nations are so brute they have no Religion, wherein surely they may be deceived, for my part I never saw nor heard of any Nation in the world which had not Religion, Deare, ∥ Bowes, and Arrowes. Those in New-England, I take it, beleeve much alike as those in Virginia, of many divine Powers, yet of one above all the rest; as the Southerly Virginians call their chiefe God Kewassa, and that we now inhabit, Okee, but all their Kings Werowances. The Massachusets call their great God Kichtan, and their Kings Sachemes; and that we suppose their Devill, they call Habamouk. The Pennobscots, their God, Tantum, their Kings, Sagamos. About those Countries are abundance of severall Nations and languages, but much alike in their simple curiosities, living and workemanship, except the wilde estate of their chiefe Kings, etc. Under the Equinoctiall, twelve houres day, and twelve night. Their Religion.

Of whose particular miserable magnificence, yet most happy in this, that they never trouble themselves with such variety of Apparell, Drinkes, Viands. Sawses, Perfumes, Preservatives, and nicities as we; yet live as long, and much more healthfull and hardy: also the deities of their chiefest Gods,3 Priests, Conjurers, Religion, Temples, Triumphs, Physicke, and Chirurgerie, their births, educations, duty of their women, exercise for their men; how they make all their Instruments and Engines to cut downe Trees, make their Cloaths, Boats, Lines, Nets, Fish-books, Weres, and Traps, Mats, Houses, Pots, Platters, Morters, Bowes, Arrowes, Targets, Swords, Clubs, Jewels, and Hatchets. Their severall sorts of Woods, Serpents, Beasts, Fish, Fowle, Roots, Berries, Fruits, Stones, and Clay. Their best trade, what is most fit to trade with them. With the particulars of the charge of a fishing voyage, and all the necessaries belonging to it, their best countries to vent it for their best returnes; also the particulars for every private man or family that goeth to plant, and the best seasons to goe or returne thence, with the particular description of the salvages, Habitations, Harbours, and Land markes, their Latitude, Longitude, or severall distance, with their old names and the new by the Map augmented. Lastly, the power of their Kings, obedience of their subjects, Lawes, executions, planting their Fields, Huntings, Fishings, the manner of their warres and treacheries yet knowne; and in generall, their lives and conversation, and how to bridle their brute, barba- ∥ rous, and salvage dispositions: of all these particulars you may reade at large in the generall History of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Iles, with many more such strange actions and accidents, that to an ordinary capacity might rather seeme miracles than wonders possibly to bee effected, which though they are but wound up as bottoms4 of fine silke, which with a good needle might be flourished5 into a far larger worke, yet the Images of great things are best discerned, contracted into smaller glasses.

FOR all those differences there went eight tall ships before I arrived in England, from France, so that I spent that yeare in the West Country, to perswade the Cities, Townes, and Gentrie for a Plantation, which the Merchants very little liked, because they would have the coast free only for themselves, and the Gentlemen were doubtfull of their true accounts; oft and much it was so disputed, that at last they promised me the next yeere twenty saile well furnished, made me Admirall of the Country for my life under their hands, and the Colonels7 Seale for New-England; and in renewing their Letters Patents, to be a Patentee for my paines, yet nothing but a voluntary fishing was effected for all this aire. 1617. Eight ships to fish. 1618.

In those yeares many Ships made exceeding good voyages, some in six moneths, others in five, but one of two hundred tunne in six weeks, with eight and thirty men and boyes had her fraught, which shee sold at the first penny8 for one and twenty hundred pounds, besides her Furres. Six or seven more went out of the West, and some Sailers that had but a single share, had twenty pounds, and at home againe in seven moneths , which was more than such a one should have got in twenty moneths , had he gone for wages any where: yet for all this, in all this time, though I had divulged to my great ∥ labour, cost, and losse, more than seven thousand Bookes and Maps, and moved the particular Companies in London, as also Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Merchants for a Plantation, all availed no more than to hew Rocks with Oister-shels, so fresh were the living abuses of Virginia and the Summer Iles in their memories. 1619. 1620. Eight and thirty men in six weeks tooke two thousand one hundred pounds worth of fish.

At last, upon those inducements, some well disposed Brownists, as they are tearmed, with some Gentlemen and Merchants of Layden and Amsterdam, to save charges, would try their owne conclusions, though with great losse and much miserie, till time had taught them to see their owne error; for such humorists9 will never beleeve well, till they bee beaten with their owne rod.

They were supplied with a small Ship1 with seven and thirty passengers, who found all them2 were left after they were seated, well, all but six that died, for all their poverties: in this ship they returned the value of five hundred pounds, which was taken by a French-man upon the coast of England. 1621.

There is gone from the West to fish five and thirty saile, two from London with sixty passengers for them at New-Plimoth, and all made good voyages. Now you are to understand, the seven and thirty passengers miscarrying twice upon the coast of England, came so ill provided, they onely relyed upon that poore company they found, that had lived two yeares by their naked3 industry, and what the Country naturally afforded; it is true, at first there hathbeene taken a thousand Bayses4 at a draught, and more than twelve hogsheads of Herrings in a night, of other fish when and what they would, when they had meanes; but wanting most necessaries for fishing and fowling, it is a wonder how they could subsist, fortifie themselves, resist their enemies, and plant their plants. 1622. Seven and thirty saile to fish.

In July, a many of stragling forlorne Englishmen, whose wants they releeved, though wanted themselves; the which to requite,5 destroyed their Corne and Fruits, and would have done the like to them, and have surprised what they had; the salvages also intended the like, but wisely they slew the salvage ∥ Captaines, and revenged those injuries upon the fugitive English, that would have done the like to them.

AT New-Plimoth, having planted there Fields and Gardens, such an extraordinary drought insued, all things withered, that they expected no harvest; and having long expected a supply, they heard no newes, but a wracke split upon their Coast, they supposed their Ship: thus in the very labyrinth of despaire, they solemnly assembled themselves together nine houres in prayer. At their departure, the parching faire skies all overcast with blacke clouds, and the next morning, such a pleasant moderate raine continued fourteene daies, that it was hard to say, whether their withered fruits or drooping affections were most revived; not long after came two Ships to supply them, with all their Passengers well, except one, and he presently recovered; for themselves, for all their wants, there was not one sicke person amongst them: the greater Ship they returned fraught with commodities. This yeare went from England, onely to fish, five and forty saile, and have all made a better voyage than ever. 1623. Five and forty saile to fish.

In this Plantation there is about an hundred and fourescore persons, some Cattell, but many Swine and Poultry: their Towne containes two and thirty houses, whereof seven were burnt, with the value of five or six hundred pounds in other goods, impailed about halfe a mile, within which within a high Mount, a Fort, with a Watch-tower, well built of stone, lome, and wood, their Ordnance well mounted, and so healthfull, that of the first Planters not one hathdied this three yeares: yet at the first landing at Cape Cod, being an hundred passengers, besides twenty they had left behind at Plimoth for want of good take heed,7 thinking to finde all things better than I advised them, spent six or seven weekes in ∥ wandring up and downe in frost and snow, wind and raine, among the woods, cricks, and swamps, forty of them died, and threescore were left in most miserable estate at New-Plimoth, where their Ship left them, and but nine leagues by Sea from where they landed,8 whose misery and variable opinions, for want of experience, occasioned much faction, till necessity agreed them.9 These disasters, losses, and uncertainties, made such disagreement among the Adventurers in England, who beganne to repent, and rather lose all, than longer continue the charge, being out of purse six or seven thousand pounds, accounting my bookes and their relations as old Almanacks. But the Planters, rather than leave the Country, concluded absolutely to supply themselves, and to all their adventurers pay them for nine yeares two hundred pounds yearely without any other account; where more than six hundred Adventurers for Virginia, for more than two hundred thousand pounds, had not six pence. Since they have made a salt worke, wherewith they preserve all the fish they take, and have fraughted this yeare a ship of an hundred and fourescore tun, living so well they desire nothing but more company, and what ever they take, returne commodities to the value. 1624. They make store of good salt.

Thus you may plainly see, although many envying I should bring so much from thence, where many others had beene, and some the same yeare returned with nothing, reported the Fish10 and Bevers I brought home, I had taken from the French men of Canada, to discourage any from beleeving me, and excuse their owne misprisions, some onely to have concealed this good Country (as is said) to their private use; others taxed me as much of indiscretion, to make my discoveries and designes so publike for nothing, which might have beene so well managed by some concealers, to have beene all rich ere any had knowne of it. Those, and many such like wise rewards, have beene my recompences, for which I am contented, so the Country prosper, and Gods name bee there praised by my Country-men, I have my desire; and the benefit of this salt and fish, for breeding Mariners and building ∥ ships, will make so many fit men to raise a Common-wealth, if but managed, as my generall history will shew you; it might well by this have beene as profitable as the best Mine the King of Spaine hathin his West Indies. An incredible rich mine.

NOW if you but truly consider how many strange accidents have befallen those plantations and my selfe, how oft up, how oft downe, sometimes neere despaire, and erelong flourishing; how many scandals and Spanolized English have sought to disgrace them, bring them to ruine, or at least hinder them all they could; how many have shaven and couzened1 both them and me, and their most honourable supporters and well-willers, cannot but conceive Gods infinite mercy both to them and me. Having beene a slave to the Turks,2 prisoner amongst the most barbarous salvages, after my deliverance commonly discovering and ranging those large rivers and unknowne Nations with such a handfull of ignorant companions, that the wiser sort often gave mee for lost, alwayes in mutinies, wants and miseries, blowne up with gunpowder; A long time prisoner among the French Pyrats, from whom escaping in a little boat by my selfe, and adrift, all such a stormy winter night when their ships were split, more than an hundred thousand pound lost, wee had taken at sea, and most of them drownd upon the Ile of Ree,3 not farre from whence I was driven on shore in my little boat, etc. And many a score of the worst of winter moneths lived in the fields, yet to have lived neere 37.4 yeares in the midst of wars, pestilence and famine; by which, many an hundred thousand have died about mee, and scarce five living5 of them went first with me to Virginia, and see the fruits of my labours thus well begin to prosper: Though I have but my labour for my paines, have I not much reason both privately and publikely to acknowledge it and give God thankes, whose omnipotent power onely delivered me ∥ to doe the utmost of my best to make his name knowne in those remote parts of the world, and his loving mercy to such a miserable sinner. Notes worthy observation.

Had my designes beene to have perswaded men to a mine of gold, as I know many have done that knew no such matter; though few doe conceive either the charge or paines in refining it, nor the power nor care to defend it; or some new invention to passe to the South sea, or some strange plot to invade some strange Monastery; or some chargeable Fleet to take some rich Charaques, or letters of mart,6 to rob some poore Merchant or honest fisher men; what multitudes of both people and money would contend to be first imployed. But in those noble indevours now how few, unlesse it bee to begge them as Monopolies, and those seldome seeke the common good, but the commons goods, as the 217. the 218. and the 219. pages in the generall history will shew. But only those noble Gentlemen and their associates, for whose better incouragements I have recollected those experienced memorandums, as an Apologie against all calumniating detracters, as well for my selfe as them. Goods ill gotten ill spent.

Now since them called Brownists went, some few before them also having my bookes and maps, presumed they knew as much as they desired, many other directers they had as wise as themselves, but that was best that liked their owne conceits; for indeed they would not be knowne to have any knowledge of any but themselves, pretending onely Religion their governour, and frugality their counsell, when indeed it was onely their pride, and singularity, and contempt of authority; because they could not be equals, they would have no superiours: in this fooles Paradise, they so long used that good husbandry, they have payed soundly in trying their owne follies, who undertaking in small handfuls to make many plantations, and to bee severall Lords and Kings of themselves, most vanished to nothing, to the great disparagement of the generall businesse, therefore let them take heed that doe follow their example. Miserablenesse no good husbandry.7

WHO would not thinke that all those certainties should not have made both me and this Country have prospered well by this? but it fell out otherwayes, for by the instigation of some, whose policy had long watched their oportunity by the assurance of those profitable returnes, procured new Letters Patents from King James, drawing in many Noblemen and others to the number of twenty, for Patentees, dividing my map and that tract of land9 from the North Sea to the South Sea, East and West, which is supposed by most Cosmographers at least more than two thousand miles; and from 41. degrees to 48. of Northerly latitude about 560. miles;1 the bounds Virginia to the South, the South Sea to the West, Canada to the North, and the maine Ocean to the East; all this they divided in twenty parts, for which they cast lots, but no lot for me but Smiths Iles,2 which are a many of barren rocks, the most overgrowne with such shrubs and sharpe whins you can hardly passe them; without either grasse or wood, but three or foure short shrubby old Cedars. Those Patentees procured a Proclamation, that no ship should goe thither to fish but pay them for the publike, as it was pretended, five pound upon every thirty tuns of shipping, neither trade with the natives, cut downe wood, throw their balast overboord, nor plant without commission, leave and content to the Lord of that division or Mannor; some of which for some of them I beleeve will be tenantlesse this thousand yeare. Thus whereas this Country, as the contrivers of those projects, should have planted it selfe of it selfe, especially all the chiefe parts along the coast the first yeare, as they have oft told me, and chiefly by the fishing ships and some small helpe of their owne, thinking men would be glad upon any termes to be admitted under their protections: but it proved so contrary, none would ∥ goe at all. So for feare to make a contempt against the Proclamation it hathever since beene little frequented to any purpose, nor would they doe any thing but left it to it selfe. 1625. 1626. 1627. 1628. The effect of the last great Patent. A Proclamation for New-England.

Thus it lay againe in a manner vast,3 till those noble Gentlemen thus voluntarily undertooke it, whom I intreat to take this as a memorandum of my love, to make your plantations so neere and great as you can; for many hands make light worke, whereas yet your small parties can doe nothing availeable; nor stand too much upon the letting, setting, or selling those wild Countries, nor impose too much upon the commonalty either by your maggazines,4 which commonly eat out all poore mens labours, nor any other too hard imposition for present gaine; but let every man so it bee by order allotted him, plant freely without limitation so much as hee can, bee it by the halfes5 or otherwayes: And at the end of five or six yeares, or when you make a division, for every acre he hathplanted, let him have twenty, thirty, forty, or an hundred; or as you finde hee hath extraordinarily deserved, by it selfe to him and his heires for ever; all his charges being defrayed to his lord or master, and publike good: In so doing, a servant that will labour, within foure or five yeares may live as well there as his master did here: for where there is so much land lie waste, it were a madnesse in a man at the first to buy, or hire, or pay any thing more than an acknowledgement to whom it shall be due; and hee is double mad that will leave his friends, meanes, and freedome in England, to be worse there than here. Therefore let all men have as much freedome in reason as may be, and true dealing, for it is the greatest comfort you can give them, where the very name of servitude will breed much ill bloud, and become odious to God and man; but mildly temper correction with mercy, for I know well you will have occasion enough to use both; and in thus doing, doubtlesse God will blesse you, and quickly triple and multiply your numbers, the which to my utmost I will doe my best indevour. Memorandums for masters. Incourage- ments for servants.

IN all those plantations, yea, of those that have done least, yet the most will say, we were the first; and so every next supply, still the next beginner: But seeing history is the memory of time, the life of the dead, and the happinesse of the living;7 because I have more plainly discovered, and described, and discoursed of those Countries than any as yet I know, I am the bolder to continue the story, and doe all men right so neere as I can in those new beginnings, which hereafter perhaps may bee in better request than a forest of nine dayes pamphlets. 1629. The planting Salem.

In the yeare 1629. about March, six good ships are gone with 350. men, women, and children, people professing themselves of good ranke, zeale, meanes and quality: also 150. head of cattell, as horse, mares, and neat beasts; 41. goats, some conies, with all provision for houshold and apparell; six peeces of great Ordnance for a Fort, with Muskets, Pikes, Corslets, Drums and Colours, with all provisions necessary for the good of man. They are seated about 42. degrees and 38. minutes, at a place called by the natives Naemkecke, by our Royall King Charles, Bastable; but now by the planters, Salem; where they arrived for most part exceeding well, their cattell and all things else prospering exceedingly, farre beyond their expectation. Their provisions for Salem.

At this place they found some reasonable good provision and houses built by some few of Dorchester, with whom they are joyned in society with two hundred men, an hundred and fifty more they have sent to the Massachusets, which they call Charlton, or Charles Towne: I tooke the fairest reach in this Bay for a river, whereupon I called it Charles river, after the name of our Royall King Charles; but they find that faire Channell to divide it selfe into so many faire branches as make forty or fifty pleasant Ilands within that excellent Bay, ∥ where the land is of divers and sundry sorts, in some places very blacke and fat, in others good clay, sand and gravell, the superficies neither too flat in plaines, nor too high in hils. In the Iles you may keepe your hogs, horse, cattell, conies or poultry, and secure for little or nothing, and to command when you list, onely having a care of provision for some extraordinary cold winter. In those Iles, as in the maine, you may make your nurseries for fruits and plants where you put no cattell; in the maine you may shape your Orchards, Vineyards, Pastures, Gardens, Walkes, Parkes, and Corne fields out of the whole peece as you please into such plots, one adjoyning to another, leaving every of them invironed with two, three, foure, or six, or so many rowes of well growne trees as you will, ready growne to your hands, to defend them from ill weather, which in a champion8 you could not in many ages; and this at first you may doe with as much facility, as carelesly or ignorantly cut downe all before you, and then after better consideration make ditches, pales, plant young trees with an excessive charge and labour, seeing you may have so many great and small growing trees for your maineposts, to fix hedges, palisados, houses, rales, or what you will; which order in Virginia hathnot beene so well observed as it might: where all the woods for many an hundred mile for the most part grow streight, like unto the high grove or tuft of trees, upon the high hill by the house of that worthy Knight Sir Humphrey Mildmay, so remarkable in Essex in the Parish of Danbery, where I writ this discourse,9 but much taller and greater, neither grow they so thicke together by the halfe, and much good ground betweene them without shrubs, and the best is ever knowne by the greatnesse of the trees and the vesture it beareth. Now in New-England the trees are commonly lower, but much thicker and firmer wood, and more proper for shipping, of which I will speake a little, being the chiefe engine1 wee are to use in this worke, and the rather for that within a square of twenty leagues, you may have all, or most of the chiefe materials belonging to them, were they wrought to their perfection as in other places. The planting Salem and Charlton. A description of the Massachusets Bay.

Of all fabricks a ship is the most excellent, requiring more art in building, rigging, sayling, trimming, defending, and moaring, with such a number of severall termes and names in continuall motion, not understood of any landman, as none would thinke of, but some few that know them; for whose better instruction I writ my Sea-Grammar, a booke most necessary for those plantations, because there is scarce any thing belonging to a ship, but the Sea-termes, charge and duty of every officer is plainly expressed, and also any indifferent capacity may conceive how to direct an unskilfull Carpenter or Sailer to build Boats and Barkes sufficient to saile those coasts and rivers, and put a good workman in minde of many things in this businesse hee may easily mistake or forget. But to be excellent in this faculty is the master-peece of all the most necessary workmen in the world. The first rule or modell thereof being directed by God himselfe to Noah for his Arke, which he never did to any other building but his Temple, which is tossed and turned up and downe the world with the like dangers, miseries, and extremities as a ship, sometimes tasting the fury of the foure Elements, as well as shee, by unlimited tyrants in their cruelty for tortures, that it is hard to conceive whether those inhumanes exceed the beasts of the Forrest, the birds of the Aire, the fishes of the Sea, either in numbers, greatnesse, swiftnesse, fiercenesse or cruelty; whose actions and varieties, with such memorable observations as I have collected, you shall finde with admiration in my history of the Sea,2 if God be pleased I live to finish it. The master-peece of workmanship.

FOR the building houses, townes, and fortresses, where shall a man finde the like conveniency, as stones of most sorts, as well lime stone, if I be not much deceived, as Iron stone, smooth stone, blew slate for covering houses, and great rockes we supposed Marble, so that one place is called ∥ the marble harbour:3 There is grasse plenty, though very long and thicke stalked, which being neither mowne nor eaten, is very ranke, yet all their cattell like and prosper well therewith, but indeed it is weeds, herbs, and grasse growing together, which although they be good and sweet in the Summer, they will deceive your cattell in winter; therefore be carefull in the Spring to mow the swamps, and the low Ilands of Auguan,4 where you may have harsh sheare-grasse5 enough to make hay of, till you can cleare ground to make pasture, which will beare as good grasse as can grow any where, as now it doth in Virginia; and unlesse you make this provision, if there come an extraordinary winter, you will lose many of them and hazard the rest, especially if you bring them in the latter end of Summer, or before the grasse bee growne in the Spring, comming weake from Sea.6 All things they plant prosper exceedingly: but one man of 13. gallons of Indian corne, reaped that yeare 364. bushels London measure, as they confidently report, at which I much wonder, having planted many bushels, but no such increase. Extraordinary meanes for buildings. Caveats for cattell.

The best way wee found in Virginia to spoile7 the woods, was first to cut a notch in the barke a hand broad round about the tree, which pill off and the tree will sprout no more, and all the small boughs in a yeare or two will decay, the greatest branches in the root they spoyle with fire, but you with more ease may cut them from the body and they will quickly rot: betwixt those trees they plant their corne, whose great bodies doe much defend it from extreme gusts, and heat of the Sunne, where that in the plaines, where the trees by time they have consumed, is subject to both; and this is the most easie way to have pasture and corne fields, which is much more fertile than the other: in Virginia they never manure their overworne fields, which is very few, the ground for most part is so fertile: but in New-England they doe, sticking at every plant of corne, a herring or two, which commeth in that season in such abundance, they may take more than they know what to doe with. How to spoyle the woods for pasture and corne. A silly complaint of cold, the reason and remedy.

Some infirmed bodies, or tender educats,8 complaine of the piercing cold, especially in January and February, yet the ∥ French in Canada, the Russians, Swethlanders, Polanders, Germans, and our neighbour Hollanders, are much colder and farre more Northward, for all that,9 rich Countreyes and live well. Now they have wood enough if they will but cut it, at their doores to make fires, and traine oyle with the splinters of the roots of firre trees for candles, where in Holland they have little or none to build ships, houses, or any thing but what they fetch from forren Countries, yet they dwell but in the latitude of Yorkshire, and New-England is in the heighth of the North cape of Spaine, which is 10. degrees, 200. leagues, or 600. miles1 nearer the Sunne than wee, where upon the mountaines of Bisky I have felt as much cold, frost, and snow as in England, and of this I am sure, a good part of the best Countries and kingdomes of the world, both Northward and Southward of the line, lie in the same paralels of Virginia and New-England, as at large you may finde in the 201. page2 of the generall history.

Thus you may see how prosperously thus farre they have proceeded, in which course by Gods grace they may continue; but great care would be had they pester not their ships too much with cattell nor passengers, and to make good conditions for your peoples diet, for therein is used much legerdemaine,3 therefore in that you cannot be too carefull to keepe your men well, and in health at Sea: in this case some masters are very provident, but the most part so they can get fraught enough, care not much whether the passengers live or die, for a common sailer regards not a landman, especially a poore passenger, as I have seene too oft approved by lamentable experience, although we have victualled them all at our owne charges. Provisoes for passengers and saylers at sea.

WHO would not thinke but that all those trials had beene sufficient to lay a foundation for a plantation, but we see many men many mindes, and still new Lords, new lawes: for those 350. men with all their cat- ∥ tell that so well arived and promised so much, not being of one body, but severall mens servants, few could command and fewer obey, lived merrily of that they had, neither planting or building any thing to any purpose, but one faire house for the Governour, till all was spent and the winter approached; then they grew into4 many diseases, and as many inconveniences, depending only of a supply from England, which expected Houses, Gardens, and Corne fields ready planted by them for their entertainment. 1630. Their present estate.

It is true, that Master John Wynthrop, their now Governour, a worthy Gentleman both in estate and esteeme, went so well provided (for six or seven hundred people went with him) as could be devised, but at Sea, such an extraordinarie storme encountred his Fleet, continuing ten daies, that of two hundred Cattell which were so tossed and brused, threescore and ten died, many of their people fell sicke, and in this perplexed estate, after ten weekes, they arrived in New-England at severall times, where they found threescore of their people dead, the rest sicke, nothing done, but all complaining, and all things so contrary to their expectation, that now every monstrous humor began to shew it selfe. And to second this, neare as many more came after them, but so ill provided, with such multitudes of women and children, as redoubled their necessities.

This small triall of their patience, caused among them no small confusion, and put the Governour and his Councell to their utmost wits; some could not endure the name of a Bishop, others not the sight of a Crosse nor Surplesse, others by no meanes the booke of common Prayer. This absolute crue,5 only of the Elect, holding all (but such as themselves) reprobates and cast-awaies, now make more haste to returne to Babel, as they tearmed England, than stay to enjoy the land they called Canaan; somewhat they must say to excuse themselves. The fruits of counterfeits.

Those he found Brownists, hee let goe for New-Plimoth, who are now betwixt foure or five hundred, and live well without want, some two hundred of the rest he was content to returne for England, whose clamors are as variable as their ∥ humours and Auditors; some say they could see no timber of two foot diameter, some the Country is all Woods, others they drunke all the Springs and Ponds dry, yet like to famish for want of fresh water; some of the danger of the rattell Snake; and that others sold their provisions at what rates they pleased to them that wanted, and so returned to England great gainers out of others miseries; yet all that returned are not of those humors.6

Notwithstanding all this, the noble Governour was no way disanimated, neither repents him of his enterprise for all those mistakes, but did order all things with that temperance and discretion, and so releeved those that wanted with his owne provision, that there is six or seven hundred remained with him, and more than 1600. English in all the Country, with three or foure hundred head of Cattell, as for Corne they are very ignorant: If upon the coast of America, they doe not before the end of this October7 (for toies) furnish themselves with two or three thousand bushels of Indian Corne, which is better than ours, and in a short time cause the salvages to doe them as good service as their owne men, as I did in Virginia, and yet neither use cruelty nor tyranny amongst them;8 a consequence well worth putting in practice: and till it be effected, they will hardly doe well. I know ignorance will say it is impossible, but this impossible taske, ever since the massacre in Virginia, I have beene a suter to have undertaken, but with 150. men, to have got Corne, fortified the Country, and discovered them more land than they all yet know or have demonstrated: but the Merchants common answer was, necessity in time would force the Planters doe it themselves, and rather thus husbandly1 to lose ten sheepe, than be at the charge of a halfe penny worth of Tarre.

Who is it that knowes not what a small handfull of Spaniards in the West Indies, subdued millions of the inhabitants, so depopulating those Countries they conquered, that they are glad to buy Negroes in Affrica2 at a great rate, in Countries farre remote from them, which although they bee as idle and as devilish people as any in the world, yet they cause them quickly to bee their best servants; notwithstan- ∥ ding, there is for every foure or five naturall Spaniards, two or three hundred Indians and Negros, and in Virginia and New-England more English than salvages, that can assemble themselves to assault or hurt them, and it is much better to helpe to plant a country than unplant it and then replant it: but there Indians were in such multitudes, the Spaniards had no other remedy; and ours such a few, and so dispersed, it were nothing in a short time to bring them to labour and obedience. Note well.

It is strange to me, that English men should not doe as much as any, but upon every sleight affront, in stead to amend it, we make it worse; notwithstanding the worst of all those rumours, the better sort there are constant in their resolutions, and so are the most of their best friends here; and making provision to supply them, many conceit they make a dearth here, which is nothing so; for they would spend more here than they transport thither. One Ship this Summer with twenty cattell, and forty or fifty passengers, arived all well, and the Ship at home againe in nine weekes: another for all this exclamation of want, is returned with 10000. Corfish, and fourescore Kegs of Sturgion, which they did take and save when the season was neare past, and in the very heat of Summer, yet as good as can be. Since another ship is gone from Bristow, and many more a providing to follow them with all speed.

Thus you may plainly see for all these rumours, they are in no such distresse as is supposed: as for their mischances, misprisions, or what accidents may befall them, I hope none is so malicious, as attribute the fault to the Country nor mee; yet if some blame us not both, it were more than a wonder; for I am not ignorant that ignorance and too curious spectators, make it a great part of their profession to censure (however)3 any mans actions, who having lost the path to vertue, will make most excellent shifts to mount up any way; such incomparable connivency is in the Devils most punctuall4 cheaters, they will hazard a joint,5 but where God hathhis Church they wil have a Chapel; a mischiefe so hard to be prevented, that I have thus plainly adventured to shew my affe- ∥ ction, through the weaknesse of my abilitie, you may easily know them by their absolutenesse in opinions, holding experience but the mother of fooles, which indeed is the very ground of reason, and he that contemnes her in those actions, may finde occasion enough to use all the wit and wisdome hee hathto correct his owne folly, that thinkes to finde amongst those salvages such Churches, Palaces, Monuments, and Buildings as are in England.

NOW because I have spoke so much for the body, give me leave to say somewhat of the soule; and the rather because I have beene demanded by so many, how we beganne to preach the Gospell in Virginia, and by what authority, what Churches we had, our order of service, and maintenance for our Ministers, therefore I thinke it not amisse to satisfie their demands, it being the mother of all our Plantations, intreating pride to spare laughter,6 to understand her simple beginning and proceedings. Ecclesiasticall government in Virginia.

When I went first to Virginia, I well remember, wee did hang an awning (which is an old saile) to three or foure trees to shadow us from the Sunne, our walls were rales of wood, our seats unhewed trees, till we cut plankes, our Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbouring trees, in foule weather we shifted into an old rotten tent, for we had few better, and this came by the way of adventure7 for new; this was our Church, till wee built a homely thing like a barne, set upon Cratchets,8 covered with rafts, sedge, and earth, so was also the walls: the best of our houses of the like curiosity,1 but the most part farre much worse workmanship, that could neither well defend2 wind nor raine, yet wee had daily Common Prayer morning and evening, every Sunday two Sermons, and every three moneths the holy Communion, till our Minister died, but our Prayers daily, with an Homily on Sundaies; we continued two or three yeares after till more Preachers ∥ came, and surely God did most mercifully heare us, till the continuall inundations of mistaking directions, factions, and numbers of unprovided Libertines neere consumed us all, as the Israelites in the wildernesse.

Notwithstanding, out of the relicks of our miseries, time and experience had brought that Country to a great happinesse, had they not so much doated on their Tabacco, on whose furnish foundation there is small stability: there being so many good commodities besides, yet by it they have builded many pretty Villages, faire houses, and Chapels, which are growne good Benefices of 120. pounds a yeare, besides their owne mundall3 industry, but James towne was 500. pounds a yeare,4 as they say, appointed by the Councell here, allowed by the Councell there, and confirmed by the Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, Primate and Metrapolitan of all England, Anno 1605. to master Richard Hacluit, Prebend of Westminster, who by his authority sent master Robert Hunt, an honest, religious, and couragious Divine; during whose life our factions were oft qualified, our wants and greatest extremities so comforted, that they seemed easie in comparison of what we endured after his memorable death. Their estates at this day.

Now in New-England they have all our examples to teach them how to beware, and choice men,5 wee most ignorant in all things, or little better, therfore presage not the event of all such actions by our defailements: For they write, they doubt not erelong to be able to defend themselves against any indifferent enemy; in the interim, they have Preachers erected among themselves, and Gods true Religion (they say) taught amongst them, the Sabbath day observed, the common Prayer (as I understand) and Sermons performed, and diligent catechizing, with strict and carefull exercise, and commendable good orders to bring those people with whom they have to deale withall into a Christian conversation, to live well, to feare God, serve the King, and love the Country; which done, in time from both those Plantations may grow a good addition to the Church of England; but Rome was not built in one day, whose beginnings was once as unhopefull as theirs, and to make them as eminent shall be my humble and hearty prayers. Their order of teaching in Salem.

But as yet it is not well understood of any authority they have sought for the government and tranquillity of the Church, which doth cause those suspicions of factions in Religion, wherein although I be no Divine, yet I hope without offence I may speake my opinion as well in this as I have done in the rest. He that will but truly consider the greatnesse of the Turks Empire and power here in Christendome, shall finde the naturall Turkes are generally of one religion, and the Christians in so many divisions and opinions, that they are among themselves worse enemies than the Turkes, whose dis-joyntednesse hathgiven him that opportunity to command so many hundred thousand of Christians as he doth, where had they beene constant to one God, one Christ, and one Church, Christians might have beene more able to have commanded as many Turkes, as now the Turkes doe poore miserable Christians. Let this example remember you to beware of faction in that nature; for my owne part, I have seene many of you here in London goe to Church as orderly as any. The miserable effects of faction in Religion.

Therefore I doubt not but you will seeke to the prime authority of the Church of England, for such an orderly authority as in most mens opinions is fit for you both to intreat for and to have, which I thinke will not be denied; and you have good reason, seeing you have such liberty to transport so many of his Majesties subjects, with all sorts of cattell, armes, and provision as you please, and can provide meanes to accomplish, nor can you have any certaine releefe, nor long subsist without more supplies from England. Besides, this might prevent many inconveniences may insue, and would clearely take away all those idle and malicious rumours, and occasion you many good and great friends and assistance you yet dreame not of; for you know better than I can tell, that the maintainers of good Orders and Lawes is the best preservation next God of a Kingdome: but when they are stuffed with hypocrisie and corruption, that state is not doubtfull but lamentable in a well setled Common-wealth, much more in such as yours, which is but a beginning, for as the Lawes corrupt, the state consumes. The necessity of order and authority.

IN regard of all that is past, it is better of those slow proceedings than lose all,6 and better to amend late than never; I know how hatefull it is to envy, pride, flattery, and greatnesse to be advised, but I hope my true meaning wise men will excuse, for making my opinion plaine; I have beene so often and by so many honest men intreated for the rest, the more they mislike it, the better I like it my selfe. The effect of a Citadell, or the true modell of a Plantation.

Concerning this point of a Cittadell, it is not the least, though the last remembred: therefore seeing you have such good meanes and power of your owne I never had, with the best convenient speed may be erect a Fort, a Castle or Cittadell, which in a manner is all one; towards the building, provision, and maintenance thereof, every man for every acre he doth culturate to pay foure pence yearely, and some small matter out of every hundred of fish taken or used within five or ten miles, or as you please about it, it being the Center as a Fortresse for ever belonging to the State, and when the charge shall be defrayed to the chiefe undertaker,7 in reason, let him be Governour for his life: the overplus to goe forward to the erecting another in like manner in a most convenient place, and so one after another, as your abilities can accomplish, by benevolences, forfeitures, fines, and impositions, as reason and the necessitie of the common good requireth; all men holding their lands on those manners as they doe of Churches, Universities, and Hospitals, but all depending upon one principall, and this would avoid all faction among the Superiours, extremities from the comminalty, and none would repine at such payments, when they shall see it justly imployed for their owne defence and security; as for corruption in so small a Government, you may quickly perceive, and punish it accordingly.

Now as his Majesty hathmade you custome-free for seven yeares, have a care that all your Country men shall come to trade with you, be not troubled with Pilatage, Boyage, Ancorage, Wharfage, Custome, or any such tricks as hathbeene lately used in most of new Plantations, where they would be Kings before their folly; to the discouragement of many, and a scorne to them of understanding, for Dutch, French, Biskin,8 or any will as yet use freely the Coast without controule, and why not English as well as they: Therefore use all commers with that respect, courtesie, and liberty is fitting, which in a short time will much increase your trade and shipping to fetch it from you, for as yet it were not good to adventure any more abroad with factors till you bee better provided; now there is nothing more inricheth a Common-wealth than much trade, nor no meanes better to increase than small custome, as Holland, Genua, Ligorne, and divers other places can well tell you, and doth most beggar those places where they take most custome, as Turkie, the Archipelagan Iles, Cicilia,1 the Spanish ports, but that their officers will connive to inrich themselves, though undoe the State. The condition of trade and freedome.

In this your infancy, imagine you have many eyes attending your actions, some for one end, and some onely to finde fault; neglect therefore no opportunity, to informe his Majesty truly your orderly proceedings, which if it be to his liking, and contrary to the common rumour here in England, doubtlesse his Majesty will continue you custome free, till you have recovered your selves, and are able to subsist; for till such time, to take any custome from a Plantation, is not the way to make them prosper, nor is it likely those Patentees shall accomplish any thing; that will neither maintaine them nor defend them, but with Countenances, Councells, and advice, which any reasonable man there may better advise himselfe, than one thousand of them here who were never there; nor will any man, that hathany wit, throw himselfe into such a kinde of subjection, especially at his owne cost and charges; but it is too oft seene that sometimes one is enough to deceive one hundred, but two hundred not sufficient to keepe one from being deceived.

I speake not this to discourage any with vaine feares, but could wish every English man to carry alwaies this Motto in his heart; Why should the brave Spanish Souldiers brag. The Sunne never sets in the Spanish dominions, but ever shineth on one part or other we have conquered for our King; who within these few hundred of yeares, was one of the least of most of his neighbours; but to animate us to doe the like for ours, who is no way his inferior; and truly2 there is no pleasure comparable to a generous spirit; as good imploiment in noble actions, especially amongst Turks, Heathens, and Infidels, to see daily new Countries, people, fashions, governments, stratagems, releeve the oppressed, comfort his friends, passe miseries, subdue enemies, adventure upon any feazable danger for God and his Country: it is true, it is a happy thing to be borne to strength, wealth, and honour, but that which is got by prowesse and magnanimity is the truest lustre; and those can the best distinguish content, that have escaped most honourable dangers, as if out of every extremity he found himselfe now borne to a new life to learne how to amend and maintaine his age. The Spaniards glory.

Those harsh conclusions have so oft plundered3 me in those perplexed actions, that if I could not freely expresse my selfe to them doth second them, I should thinke my selfe guilty of a most damnable crime worse than ingratitude; however some overweining capricious conceits, may attribute it to vaine-glory, ambition, or what other idle Epithete such pleased to bestow on me: But such trash I so much scorne, that I presume further to advise those, lesse advised than my selfe, that as your fish and trade increaseth, so let your forts and exercise of armes, drilling your men at your most convenient times, to ranke, file, march, skirmish, and retire, in file, manaples, battalia, or ambuskados, which service there is most proper; also how to assault and defend your forts, and be not sparing of a little extraordinary shot and powder to make them mark-men, especially your Gentlemen, and those you finde most capable, for shot must be your best weapon, yet all this will not doe unlesse you have at least 100. or as many as you can, of expert, blouded, approved good Souldiers, who dare boldly lead them, not to shoot a ducke, a goose, or a dead marke, but at men, from whom you must expect such as you send. The want of ∥ this, and the presumptuous assurance of literall Captaines,4 was the losse of the French and Spaniards in Florida, each surprising other, and lately neare the ruine of Mevis and Saint Christophers in the Indies: also the French at Port Riall,5 and those at Canada, now your next English neighbours: Lastly, Cape Britton6 not far from you, called New-Scotland. Questionlesse there were some good Souldiers among them, yet somewhat was the cause they were undone by those that watched the advantage of opportunity: for as rich preyes make true men theeves;7 so you must not expect, if you be once worth taking and unprovided, but by some to bee attempted in the like manner: to the prevention whereof, I have not beene more willing at the request of my friends to print this discourse,1 than I am ready to live and dye among you, upon conditions suting my calling and profession to make good, and Virginia and New-England, my heires, executors, administrators and assignes. Provisoes for exercise of armes.

Now because I cannot expresse halfe that which is necessary for your full satisfaction and instruction belonging to this businesse in this small pamphlet, I referre you to the generall history of Virginia, the Summer Iles, and New-England; wherein you may plainly see all the discoveries, plantations, accidents, the misprisions and causes of defailments of all those noble and worthy Captaines; Captaine Philip Amadas, and Barlow; that most renowned Knight Sir Richard Greenvile, worthy Sir Ralph Layne, and learned Master Hariot, Captaine John White, Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, Captaine Martin Pring, and George Waymouth,2 with mine owne observations by sea, rivers and land, and all the governours that yearely succeeded mee in Virginia. Also those most industrious Captaines, Sir George Summers, and Sir Thomas Gates, with all the governours that succeeded them in the Summer Iles. Likewise the plantation of Sagadahock, by those noble Captaines, George Popham, Rawley Gilbert, Edward Harlow, Robert Davis, James Davis, John Davis, and divers others, with the maps of those Countries: with it also you may finde the plantations of Saint Christophers, Mevis, the Berbados, and the great river of the Amazons, whose greatest defects, and the best meanes to amend them are there yearely recorded, to be warnings and examples to them that are not too wise to learne to understand. A reference to the actions of all our prime discoverers and planters.

This great worke, though small in conceit,3 is not a worke for every one to mannage such an affaire, as make a discovery, and plant a Colony, it requires all the best parts of art, judgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence, and industry, to doe but neere well; some are more proper for one thing than another, and therein best to be imployed, and nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing and misimploying men in their undertakings. Columbus, Curtes, Pitzara, Zotto,4 Magellanus, and the rest, served more than an apprentiship to learne how to begin their most memorable attempts in the West Indies, which to the wonder of all ages, succesfully they effected, when many hundreds farre above them in the worlds opinion, being instructed but by relation, scorning to follow their blunt examples, but in great state, with new inventions came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtlesse in other matters, were both wise, discreet, generous and couragious. I say not this to detract any thing from their noblenesse, state, nor greatnesse, but to answer those questionlesse questions that keepe us from imitating the others brave spirits, that advanced themselves from poore Souldiers to great Captaines, their posterity to great Lords, and their King to be one of the greatest potentates on earth, and the fruits of their labours his greatest glory, power, and renowne. What is requisite to be in a Governour of a plantation.

Till his greatnesse and security made his so rich remote and dispersed plantations such great booties and honours, to the incomparable Sir Francis Drake, the renowned Captain Candish, Sir Richard Luson,5 Sir John Hawkins, Captaine Carlile, and Sir Martin Furbisher, etc. and the most memorable and right honourable Earles, Cumberland, Essex, Southampton, and Nottingham that good Lord Admirall, with many hundreds of brave English Souldiers, Captaines and Gentlemen, that have taught the Hollanders to doe the like: Those would never stand upon a demurre who should give the first blow, when they see peace was onely but an empty name, and no sure league, but impuissance to doe hurt, found it better to buy peace by warre, than take it up at interest of those could better guide penknives than use swords; and there is no misery worse than be conducted by a foole, or commanded by a coward; for who can indure to be assaulted by any, see his men and selfe imbrued in their owne bloud, for feare of a checke, ∥ when it is so contrary to nature and necessity, and yet as obedient to government and their Soveraigne, as duty required. Now your best plea is to stand upon your guard, and provide to defend as they did offend, especially at landing: if you be forced to retire, you have the advantage five for one in your retreat, wherein there is more discipline, than in a brave charge; and though it seeme lesse in fortune, it is as much in valour to defend as to get, but it is more easie to defend than assault, especially in woods where an enemy is ignorant. Lastly, remember as faction, pride, and security, produces nothing but confusion, miserie and dissolution; so the contraries well practised will in short time make you happy, and the most admired people of all our plantations for your time in the world. The expeditions of Queene Elizabeths Sea-Captaines.

John Smith writ this with his owne hand.6

Page 3. The Company in England say 7. or 8. thousand: the Counsell in Virginia say but 2200. or thereabouts.

1. The engravings above, of Zsigmond Báthory's seal and of Smith's coat of arms, are presumably included to attest to Smith's experience in "Warres in Europe, Asia, and Affrica."For information on these heraldic devices, see the True Travels, AIv, 15, 16.

2. Trampled down, frustrated.

3. Followers of Robert Browne (1550?–1633?), the separatist Puritan regarded as the founder of Congregationalism.

4. See the Errata, p. 40, below.

5. Splendor, ostentation.

6. "Think everything was delightful" (proverbial); see Joseph Swetnam, The araignment of... women (London, 1615), iii.

7. Obsolete construction for "shoot with."

8. The type of sarcasm that follows is rare with Smith. Above, read: "beginnings to be scorned."

9. I.e., the company had sent but one hogshead of claret in two or three years.

10. A noisy, riotous bully. Cf. the Generall Historie, 238, 238n.

11. I.e., "went broke."

1. Arber reads: "but those [that] were naught here and worse there"(Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608–1631, The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 [Birmingham, 1884], 932), which seems hardly called for. "Naught," as often, means "vicious, immoral."

2. As Ronald B. McKerrow points out, quotation marks were "frequently used at the beginnings of lines to call attention" to side remarks, and therefore should not be "closed" (An Introduction to Bibliography, 2d ed. [Oxford, 1928], 316–317).

3. A form of "waste" chiefly found in Scots.

4. The author was William Bradford; see the Generall Historie, 233n.

5. Cultivate; the only instance of this word cited in the OED.

6.Variant of "coil," a noisy disturbance, tumult.

7. The passage from here to the end of the chapter is reprinted from the Description of N.E., 59–61.

8. The specific reference to 140 years is not in the Description of N.E. — more correctly, 139 years, 1492 to 1631.

9. Smith's plea for "charity to those poore salvages," i.e., uncivilized people, should be noted.

1. This chapter is based on the Generall Historie, 204–205, 221–223, with minor additions.

2. This chapter is also based on the Generall Historie, Bk. VI, but much condensed and rearranged.

3. Smith's reason for listing the many aspects of Indian life that follow is not given until the top of page 16: "of all these particulars you may reade at large in the generall History of Virginia. ..."

4. Skcins, balls.

5. Worked, embellished.

6. Smith reworked New Englands Trials (1622) for this chapter.

7. Arber suggests "Colony's" for the unlikely "Colonels" (Smith, Works, 941), but Richard Arthur Preston seems to see nothing wrong with the text as it is Gorges of Plymouth Fort: A Life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges ... [Toronto, 1953], 401, n. 48). The correct title would have been "Council's".

8. See New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B4rn, for a suggestion as to the meaning.

9. Smith's disparagement of the Pilgrims by use of the term "humorists" (persons subject to humors) was equivalent to calling them fanatics.

1. The Fortune arrived at Cape Cod on Nov. 9, 1621.

2. Arber suggests "that" after "them" (Smith, Works, 941).

3. Mere.

4. "Bass."

5. Read: "though they wanted themselves; the which to requite them, destroyed. ..."

6. Chap. 8 is largely reworked from the Generall Historie, 247, and the True Travels, 46–47, with some new material.

7. The use of this phrase as a noun is recorded as early as c. 1592 in the OED, in the works of Henry Smith, the Puritan divine, who died in 1591. Above, "within which within" is probably a printer's error.

8. Smith has embellished what he published in New Englands Trials (1622), sig. B4v, here adding the distance from Plymouth to Cape Cod ("nine leagues," or 27 statute mi. — almost exactly the distance from Plymouth to Provincetown according to modern maps).

9. This transitive use of "to agree" is now obsolete.

10. Read: "reported that the Fish and Bevers I brought home I had taken," etc.

1. Fleeced and cheated.

2. Everett Emerson cites the passage from here to the end of the paragraph as a "vigorous expression" of Smith's outlook in 1631 (Captain John Smith [New York, 1971], 114).

3. Smith is closer here to the French name "Île de Ré" than he was in his previous accounts.

4. From 1595 to early 1631 would be 37 years as elapsed time was counted in Smith's day.

5. Three survivors of the original colonists, in addition to John Smith, can be identified with some certainty: George Percy, esq., and John Martin, captain, both died in 1632, while John Laydon, a laborer, lived on at least until 1636. Anthony Gosnold, cousin of Bartholomew, is known to have been living in 1623 in England, but after that he is lost sight of. For scholarly sources and discussion of the survival rate in early Virginia, see Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York, 1975),115n, and Appendix, 396n.

6. Surely, "letters of marque."

7. Samuel Purchas may supply a clue to what Smith meant: Purchas spoke of people who "with miserableness seeke a blessed life" (Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... [London, 1614], 2d ed., I, xiii, 74), which could have been applicable to the Pilgrim fathers. If Smith had this in mind, by "husbandry" he surely meant "management, administration."

8. Chap. 10 is completely new, as is a large part of the rest of the book.

9. The reference here is to Sir William Alexander's patent of 1621, covering Nova Scotia and part of Canada, and to the map that accompanied his The Mapp and Description of New-England (London, 1630), the New England section of which bears some resemblance to John Smith's map of 1614. Charles M. Andrews describes Alexander as "temperamental and imaginative," and the patent as "incredible" (The Colonial Period of American History [New Haven, Conn., 1934–1938], 1, 314–315).

1. Since John Smith knew that seven degrees of latitude represented 420 nautical mi. (see p. 28, below), the "560 miles" here must mean the distance along the coast. This, however, would have been far greater than Smith could have estimated, due to his hazy idea of the longitude of the places he had visited, and consequently of the easterly trend of the Atlantic coast between New York Bay and Conception Bay, Newfoundland.

2. Now called Isles of Shoals, off the New Hampshire coast.

3. "Waste"; see p. 9n, above.

4. Supply ships, or storehouses.

5. Here the meaning of "by the halfes" probably is "in part."

6. For a modern summary of these events, see Frances Rose-Troup, John White, the Patriarch of Dorchester [Dorset] and the Founder of Massachusetts, 1575–1648 (New York, 1930), 94–174.

7. Smith's aphorism on history seems to be his own, though it may have been influenced by John Florio, commenting on Cicero: "History ... is the testimony of Tyme, the light of veritie, the life of memory, the guide of tyme, the messenger of antiquity" (Florio his Firste Fruites [London, 1578], 52).

8. Variant of "champaign," a common name for open country or a clearing.

9. Danbury is about five miles E of Chelmsford; Sir Humphrey Mildmay was a royalist gentleman and a diarist, known for his hospitality; Smith may have met him through Robert Bertie, whose wife was a niece of a first cousin of Sir Humphrey's (see Philip Lee Ralph, Sir Humphrey Mildmay, Royalist Gentleman: Glimpses of the English Scene, 1633–1652 [New Brunswick, N.J., 1947]).

1. Here meaning "tool" or "instrument," as often in Smith. See the beginning of the next paragraph.

2. No trace of this work has yet been found.

3. This "place" is now called Marblehead, but the "marble" is in reality gray granite (The Origin of Massachusetts Place Names, United States Work Projects Administration [New York, 1941], 29).

4. At or near modern Ipswich, c. 15 mi. (24 km.) N of Salem.

5. A kind of sharp-edged grass that cuts the hands of workers and the mouths of cattle.

6. The reference is, of course, to the cattle.

7. Destroy. Smith goes on to describe the Indian technique of girdling.

8. Not in the OED; Smith most likely knew the Latin past participle of educare (to bring up children, etc.), but did not know how to handle it. The meaning is obvious.

9. Read: "yet for all that," etc.

1. Smith's "New-England" was practically limited to the Atlantic coast between 41° and 45° N latitude, the "North cape of Spaine" [Cape Finisterre] lies at 42° 54' N, and England stretches from 50° to nearly 56°, with London at 51° 31' N as against 41° 28' for New London, Connecticut. The 10° involved do amount to 600 nautical mi., as Smith observes, but what nobody of his day realized is that latitude has little to do with temperature unless meteorological elements are taken into consideration.

2. This should read "pages 210–211."

3. Trickery, deception.

4. Here meaning, "fell by degrees into."

5. Tyrannical band; cf. Milton's Paradise Lost, XII, 38: "A crew ... to tyrannize."

6. Here meaning, "cast of mind."

7. Sc., 1630; Smith died eight months later.

8. This condition is a significant reflection of Smith's attitude toward the Indians.

1. Frugally [and unwisely].

2. Smith apparently disapproved of the slave trade, but shared the then common scornfulness toward "Negroes."

3. The parentheses here are to indicate emphasis: "in any way whatsoever."

4. Here meaning, "punctilious."

5. This phrase is not in the OED; however, the meaning seems to be that when the Devil's cheaters join with goodwilled men in worthy enterprises, they will maliciously bring about internal dissension.

6. Begging pride not to laugh.

7. The tent supplied by the investors was supposed to be new but turned out instead to be old.

8. Poles with forked tops.

1. Elegance-here, ironical.

2. Keep out.

3. Mundane, mundial, worldly.

4. The amount seems too large, but the dispensation for Hakluyt and Hunt does not mention the stipend involved (see Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606–1609 [Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII (Cambridge, 1969)], I, 62–64).

5. I.e., "to teach them how to be wary and how to choose men," etc.

6. This loosely constructed clause should probably read: "it is better off with those slow proceedings than to have lost all."

7. I.e., reimbursed to the chief entrepreneur.

8. Biscayan.

1. For Italian "Sicilia," Sicily.

2. The passage from here to the end of the paragraph has been singled out by Everett Emerson as Smith's greatest expression of his principles and practice (Captain John Smith, 118).

3. Confused — in origin, a variant of "blunder." Below, in the same sentence, read: "expresse my selfe to them who doth second them. ..."

4. Here, probably meaning "captains in name only."

5. Port Royal (now Annapolis Royal) is on the Bay of Fundy, Nova Scotia.

6. Obviously modern Cape Breton.

7. John Lyly has, "Is it not the prey that enticeth the theefe to rifle" (Euphues. The Anatomy of Wit [1579], ed. Edward Arber [Birmingham, 1868], 63), but the proverbial phrasing seems to be Smith's.

1. John Haviland, the printer of the Advertisements, may well have been one of the "friends." He had also printed the True Travels and had a hand in the Generall Historie.

2. It is noteworthy that Sir Walter Ralegh's name does not appear here, even after a dozen years.

3. Concept.

4. Hernando de Soto.

5. Sir Richard Leveson; Smith's spelling is phonetic.

6. This is the fifth time Smith thus signed a work, or a part of a work. See the Generall Historie, 39n.

Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of New England

The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.

The following lists have been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the Institute of Early American History and Culture. The list immediately below records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to print the word as a single word or as a hyphenated compound. The material before the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material after the bracket indicates how the word was broken in the original. The wavy dash symbol indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.

The list below contains words found as hyphenated compounds in the copy text that unavoidably had to be broken at the end of the line at the hyphen in the present text. In quoting or transcribing from the present text, the hyphen should be retained for these words. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.

Early:
1631.

• ADVERTISEMENTS ∥ For the unexperienced Planters of ∥ New England, or any where. ∥ OR, ∥ The Path-way to experience to erect a ∥ Plantation. ∥ With the yearely proceedings of this Country in Fishing ∥ and Planting, since the yeare 1614. to the yeare 1630. ∥ and their present estate. ∥ Also how to prevent the greatest inconveniences, by their ∥ proceedings in Virginia, and other Plantations, ∥ by approved examples. ∥ With the Countries Armes, a description of the Coast, ∥ Harbours, Habitations, Land-markes, Latitude and ∥ Longitude: with the Map, allowed by our Royall ∥ King Charles. ∥ [Rule] ∥ By Captaine John Smith, sometimes Governour of ∥ Virginia, and Admirall of New-England. ∥ [Rule] ∥ London, ∥ Printed by John Haviland, and are to be sold by ∥ Robert Milbourne, at the Grey-hound ∥ in Pauls Church-yard. 1631. ∥

  Quarto, pp. [8], 40, with the arms of New England on the verso of the title page and with Smith's map of New England inserted (in its seventh state [Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX (New York, 1927–1928), 220]). A–F in fours. For further details, see ibid., 220–221.

Modern:
1833.

• Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, 3d Ser., III (Cambridge, Mass.).

1865.

• Repr. by W. Veazie, with expressed indebtedness to Charles Deane for "valuable historical information" (Boston).

1884, etc.

• Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608–1631, ed. Edward Arber (Birmingham). See the list of issues of the Arber text in the General Introduction in Volume I.

1912.

• Forerunners and Competitors of the Pilgrims and Puritans ..., ed. Charles Herbert Levermore, II (Brooklyn, N.Y.).

As has been mentioned in the editor's General Introduction in Volume I, a dozen, largely brief, documents pertinent to John Smith's life and works, never before assembled, have been included in this edition. These consist in a few bits of Smith's poetry, several quotations from Smith that are found in other works, a single letter to him, a summary of pertinent correspondence, and other details. They are presented chronologically and listed as "Fragments," since the bulk of them are evidently incomplete. They may be summarized according to sources and nature as follows:

Fragments A–D and I–J have been reprinted from two works by Samuel Purchas, the first four from Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1613), and the latter two from Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London, 1625). These fragments contain notes not exactly reproduced in any other work bearing Smith's name, and specifically Fragment J supplies us with a first draft, or prototype, of what Smith himself later printed as his True Travels.

Fragments E and F provide independent information on Smith's activities in 1616, about the time he failed to get further support for his plans to colonize New England. Fragment E consists of a much-damaged letter from Capt. Edward Brawnde to Smith, while Fragment F contains a summary of recently strayed documents regarding a proposal of Smith's to promote whale fishing off New England with Danish and even Basque help. Both of these have to do with Smith's efforts to establish colonies, by however roundabout a route.

Fragment G is an indirect contribution to the solution of the everpresent problem of inspiring confidence in the rank and file of followers when fortune seems to frown ominously on their efforts. This document, attributed to Smith, is a rough translation of, or commentary on, a passage in Julius Caesar's De bello gallico, and so impressed Nathaniel Butler that he copied (and perhaps altered) it in his own hand.

Fragments H, K, and L form with "The Sea Marke" (prefacing the Advertisements) the only known, or surmised, verses by John Smith. The two couplets in Fragment H may be attributed to Smith on the grounds that they have not been found in Bishop Martin Fotherby's Atheomastix (London, 1622), which supplied Smith with all his other illustrative poetical asides in the Generall Historie. The other two fragments are Smith's only known commendatory verses honoring author-friends.

The bibliographical details of sources are given at the head of each fragment.

[Source: Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1613), 632.]

Purchas's first mention of John Smith is in a marginal note referring to "the plantation by the present Adventurers": "Relation [of] Captain Smith. M.S. [manuscript], and W[illiam] S[ymonds]. M.S." Then in the next paragraph, following a summary of the jealous rivalries that "did even then becloude that morning Starre," he added:

A cleare skie did afterwards appeare in their agreement on the choise of Captaine Smith for their President, who having before fallen into the hands of the Virginians, had beene presented Prisoner to Powhatan, where hee tooke advantage by that disadvantage, to acquaint himselfe with the State and condition of the Countrie and Inhabitants.

[Source: Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1613), 634–635.]

After a condensed account of events in Jamestown up to 1612, Purchas referred briefly to Richard Hakluyt's Principal Navigations for a description of Sir Walter Ralegh's Roanoke colony, adding:

Concerning the later [Jamestown colony], Captaine John Smith, partly by word of mouth, partly by his Mappe thereof in print, and more fully by a Manuscript which hee courteously communicated to mee, hathacquainted me with that whereof himselfe with great perill and paine, had beene the discoverer, being in his discoveries taken Prisoner, and escaping their furie, yea receiving much honour and admiration amongst them, by reason of his discourses to them of the motion of the Sunne, of the parts of the World, of the Sea, etc., which was occasioned by a Dyall then found about him. They carryed him prisoner to Powhatan, and there beganne the English acquaintance with that Savage Emperour.

From here to the middle of the next page Purchas merely condensed sections of Smith's Map of Virginia, at the end of which he suddenly (and typically) stops, for fear he might "exceede ... the Readers patience." Yet he adds two sentences well worth quoting here:

Captaine Smiths Mappe may somewhat satisfie the desirous, and his booke when it shall bee printed, further. This the Captaine saith, that hee hathbeene in many places of Asia and Europe, in some of Africa and America, but of all, holds Virginia by the naturall endowments, the fittest place for an earthly Paradise.

Two observations should be made: (1) this fragment is the source of our knowledge that the Smith/Hole map was in print and available to the public while Smith's Map of Virginia was still in press; and (2) it contains the earliest printed statement that Smith had traveled in Asia and Africa, though his repetition of the statement in his dedication of that work to Edward Seymour, the earl of Hertford, was only a matter of a few months away.

[Source: Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1613), 638.]

This fragment is part of Book VIII, Chapter VI, "Of the Religion and Rites of the Virginians." Having first dealt with the reports from the Roanoke colony, Purchas took up the question of the religion of the Virginia Indians; and here a question is immediately raised. A marginal note that takes the place of a subtitle states: "Newes from Virginia and a M.S. of Captain Smith." But "Newes from Virginia" is the running head of Smith's own True Relation, first published with no mention of Smith on the title page, as is explained in the editor's Introduction to that work. Purchas's marginal note shows that he did not know that Smith was the author, and also opens the question of whether Purchas was the source of the anonymous annotations in the copy of the True Relation that has been reproduced in facsimile for this edition of Smith's works. Did Purchas himself make the annotations? The handwriting bears strong resemblance to his, but we cannot be certain. In any event, the following excerpt from the Pilgrimage is worth comparing with the True Relation, sig. C3r, and with the Map of Virginia, 31–32, inasmuch as it differs here and there from both.

But let us take view of our last Colonies observations. Captaine Smith, was taken by the Virginians, and while hee stayed amongst them observed these their magicall Rites. Three or foure daies after his taking, seven of their Priestes in the house where he lay, each with a Rattle, (setting him by them) began at ten of the clocke in the morning, to sing about a fire, which they invironed with a circle of Meale, at the end of every song, (which the Chiefe Priest began, the rest following) laying downe two or three Graines of Wheate: and after they had thus laide downe six or seven hundred in one Circle, accounting their songes by Graines, as the Papists their Orisons by Beades, they made two or three other circles in like manner, and put at the end of every song, betwixt every two, or three, or five Graines, a litle sticke. The High Priest disguised with a great skinne, his head hung round with little skinnes of Weasils, and other Vermine, with a crownet of Feathers, painted as ugly as the Divell, at the end of each song useth strange and vehement gestures, casting great Cakes of Deare-suet, and Tobacco into the Fire: thus till six of the clocke in the evening, they continued these howling devotions, and so held on three daies. This they pretended to doe, to know if any more of his countreymen would arrive, and what hee there intended. They so fedd this our Authour, that he much misdoubted, that hee should have beene sacrificed to the Quiyoughquosicke, which is a Superiour power they worship, then the Image whereof a more ugly thing cannot be described. To cure the sicke, a certaine man with a little Rattle, using extreme howlings, shouting, singing, with divers anticke and strange behaviours over the Patient, sucketh bloud out of his stomacke, or diseased place.

A marginal note to the last sentence reads: "Their Ratles are of Gourds or Pompion rindes: of which they have their treble, tenor, base, etc." (cf. the Map of Virginia, 28).

It may be worth noting here that Purchas adorned the next ensuing paragraph (condensed from the Proceedings, 44–45) with rather ludicrous comparisons with classical mythology: the leader of the "entertainment" at Werowocomoco being likened to "both Actæon and Diana"; and the thirty young women, "as if they had beene the infernall guard, comming with Cerberus to welcome Proserpina to her Palace."

[Source: Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1613), 639.]

Here, after condensing two passages from Smith's Map of Virginia (pp. 25, 29), Purchas supplies a story that does not appear elsewhere. Speaking of the Indians' adoration of "all things that are able to hurt them," he adds.

Yea, Captaine Smith told mee, that they seeing one of the English Bores [boars] in the way, were stricken with awfull feare, because he brisled up himself and gnashed his teeth, and tooke him for the God of the Swine, which was offended with them.

[Source: Cotton MSS, Otho E. VIII, fols. 248–249, British Library.]

This letter or report from Capt. Edward Brawnde to John Smith must have been written during the autumn of 1616. Brawnde was an inconspicuous ship captain who apparently was interested in some sort of expedition with Smith. Unfortunately, the document was damaged in the 1731 fire in the building that housed Sir Robert Bruce Cotton's extensive library. In order to indicate the extent of the damage, the transcription of the original manuscript has been set line for line. No attempt has been made to reconstruct the missing parts of the text beyond a few obvious bits enclosed in square brackets. These are also used to indicate difficult and doubtful readings.

Brawnde's manuscript was first discovered by the Reverend Edward Duffield Neill c. 1880, who printed a partial transcription of it with notes in his Virginia Vetusta (Albany, N.Y., 1885), 105–109. The following is an entirely new transcription.

erall cap einge a pleasaunt voyage 4 of February at Sod[quin] her harbour a litell w[i]thin Sod[quin] e had a Conve[nie]ntt wind to moneheg[in] for it pleased god to derictt him there wh s voyage and after having ended his voyage in departted the harbor of monehegin the 22 of Julye there was another shipe called the Blessing of one Arther Hitchens was m[aste]r w[hi]ch departed outt of plim[outh] last of January & having a contrery passedge did nott arive the countrye before the first of maye or the laste of Aprill & [w]asted her salt was a means of hendering of her voyage she cam[e?] the Countrye the 22 of Julye bounde for England & arived the 27 of Augus[t] there was a[lso?] [and a] shipp called the daved of Plimouth wherof on[e] Jhon Mintren w[as?] beinge of the burthen of 120 tunns & departed out of plimouth a[bout?] the midds of February & Arived into the Contrye aboutt the 5 [or 6?] of Aprell she hathmad[e] a good voyedg & departted the countrye the 21 of Julye bound for England & arived in plimouth the first of September There was also a shipp of London called the nathan of the burthen of 200 where of on[e] Edward Brawnde was m[aste]r w[hi]ch departed outt of darttmouth the 8 of marche & Fell in with Sodquin the 20 of Aprell & was harbourd in manehegin the 24 of Aprell & having his boatts detayned by S[i]r Rich[a]rd Hookins was constrayned to bu[i]ld all his boatts & having greatt store of trade A bord to delliver to a pinnes w[hi]ch was to com[e] to him & was long absent by w[hi]ch towe meanes his voyage was varye much dam[-] nyfied yett eusing his best endeavor he & his Companye made w[i]thin littell a saving[?] voyage by the meanes of on[e] or towe men he had 6 men fayled him all the yeere his pinnes Cam[e] outt of dartmouth the 10th of march & did nott arive in monehegin before the 26 or 27 of June butt she was upon the Cosste 20 dayes before that[;] m[aste]r Brawnde Came outt of manehegin the 21 of July & lefte his pinnes in the Countrye being bound about Cape Cod for the descovery of serteyne perell w[hi]ch is told by the Sauvages to be there[.] m[aste]r Brawnde arived the 28th of Auguste ood towe other ship aboutt the midds of July Judeth of on[e] william weste was m[aste]r [c]alled the Triall whereof on[e] James Ed nevall arived in the About the first of 9[?] [a]boutt the laste of Aprell the Coming both in 21th of Julye the admerall arived into England Auguste the other arived aboutt the 5 or 6 of Septemb[er]

To All whom this doth concerne this is to be sertifyed th[e]re ar greet voyages to be made in new Englande upon f[ish?] take the times of the yeere & likewise upon ferrs so far as [they] be nott spoyled by the meanes of towe manye factors ther & Convenient[?] that the trade be kept in on facttor[s?] or Cap handes then the[y?] shold[?] kepe the Savages at ther pleasure itt another this w[hi]ch may hender the trad[e] w[hi]ch is the ffench[?] the boatt the cosste verye much if this be prevented the great good to be donne upon it[.] I dew engage my selfe [&?] men to loade a shippe of 200 betweene the firste of marche & t[he?] midds of June for in marche aprill & maye is the best time of making of drye ffish[.] A shippe that will carye 400000 newfoundland[?] fishe will nott Carye above 7 or 8 score [thousand?] from new England the Countrye is good & A healthye clemett for aught that I can se[e] or understand[;] the savages are a gentell natured peopell & frequentt the Engleshe vere much[;] the Countrye is worthye of prayes & Comendacion & if I ware of abbilitye & able to v[e]nture I would venture that waye a[s] soune as anye waye in anye Cuntrye that yieldeth such Comodityes as that doth though my meanes be nott able to venture yet my life & labour is willinge & industrous att the uttmost of my power

• The m[aste]r is Edward Brawnde his cheff mate John Bennett
• The second mate Briane Tooker
• The owner of o[u]r shippe William Treedell
• The m[er]chantt John Edwards
• The Bossone John hille
• The gonner & pilott willim Gaynye his mate James F[arr?]
• The bossones mate John downe
• The quarter m[a]sters is Nicholas Collins
• Thomas Weber
• John Marrens
• Hennery Batteshill
• The steward John Brinnelcome
• The Cooks Nicholas Head & John Hutten
• Some of the Comen mens names are
• John Wills
• phillipp wills
• Thomas Roberts
• John Hept[?]
• Thomas Tobbe

I hope I need nott writt enye more of my mens names[.] So I end Comending all wishers & good adventurers in this voyage to the protection of the Allmighty. I Rest

youer Living Frend Edward Brawnd

To his worthye good frend Captayn John Smith Admerall of new England Edward Brawnd wisheth[?] all health & hapynes[?] [Endorsement:] To my worthy [friend?] Captayn John [Smith] Admerall of n[ew] England Theise[?] be [are?] [monogram?]

[Source: Cesáreo Fernández Duro, Area de noé. Libro sexto de las disquisiciones náuticas (Madrid, 1881).]

This fragment is in a sense complementary to Fragment E, since both throw light on John Smith's career without being products of his pen. Both belong to the last few months of 1616. Neither is complete, for the Brawnde letter is damaged by fire and we now have only a summary of the diplomatic dispatches described below. Nevertheless, taken together they constitute valid testimony of Smith's eager search for further opportunity in the rapidly expanding area of exploration, trade, and colonization.

To get down to the subject, in 1881 the noted Spanish maritime historian Cesáreo Fernández Duro published, in volume VI of a major work, a summary of letters written by the Spanish ambassador in London regarding a proposal of "Juan Smith" to "accompany" a whale-fishing expedition. When the editor undertook this edition of Smith's works the letter in question was one of the first investigations that came to mind. Regrettably, however, a personal search in Spain in 1973 brought only the knowledge that the letter is not now to be found in such collections as the National Archives in Simancas (Valladolid) or in either the Naval Museum or the Library of the Royal Academy of History in Madrid. In Simancas a search was suggested in half a dozen other "likely" repositories, including the Royal Archives in Copenhagen (for reasons that will appear below). The result over a four-year period has been courteously and sincerely negative.

In view of this, both the original summary in Spanish and an English translation are here presented. Time may still bring forth the letter itself.

1616. Diciembre. — Cartas á la ciudad de San Sebastian de D. Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, embajador de España en Londres, noticiando que el Rey de Dinamarca ha concedido licencia para que los navios guipuzcoanos peudan pescar la ballena en la region del Norte, y que el ingles Juan Smith propone acompañar con dos ó tres navíos suyos á los de Guipúzcoa para el reconocimiento de aquallos parajes, y que envia un libro dispuesto por él para facilitar las operaciones de dicho reconocimiento. — Colecc[ión] Vargas Ponce, leg[ajo] v, núm[ero] 25.

1616. December. — Letters to the city of San Sebastián by Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, Spanish ambassador in London, giving notice that the king of Denmark has granted license to Guipúzcoan ships to fish for whale in the North, and that the Englishman John Smith offers to join two or three ships of his own with those of Guipúzcoa for the purpose of surveying those parts, and that he is sending a book he has published so as to facilitate the carrying out of the said survey. Vargas Ponce Collection, file v, number 25.

In view of the fact that the stated purpose of Smith's 1614 voyage to New England was "to take Whales" (Description of New England, 1), and that his book was published in 1616, there can be no doubt that the "Juan Smith" of the Spanish summary was Captain John. In this connection, it should be remembered that King Christian IV of Denmark was King James's brother-in-law, that Smith's friend Robert Bertie, Lord Willoughby, had been lord general of the English forces in Denmark in 1612, that Christian was also king of Norway, and that Smith's friend Henry Hudson had started out for Norway in 1609 and landed in New York Bay instead (be it explained with excessive simplification). Thus it is apparent that Smith was not changing his allegiance to Spain in offering to join the Basque ships (San Sebastián was the capital of the province of Guipúzcoa).

[Source: Sloane MS 750, fol. 175, British Library.]

From the outset it must be stated that there is no firm evidence of any sort to connect this fragment with John Smith. The British Library manuscript in which it was found is composed of a lengthy and anonymous "Historye of the Bermudaes or Summer Islands" that was extensively used by Smith in his Generall Historie, Book V, along with a few leaves containing bits that have no connection with Bermuda. The main body of the text was edited by Sir J. Henry Lefroy (Hakluyt Society, 1st Ser., LXV [London, 1882]), who attributed it to John Smith. More recent investigation, however, has shown that the author was Nathaniel Butler, onetime governor of Bermuda (see the Generall Historie, 169n). It has also been established that this fragment is in Butler's hand and perhaps for that reason was bound in with the "Historye of the Bermudaes."

While Lefroy was mistaken in his identification of Smith as the author of that work, his conclusion that the fragment was copied from some note of Smith's may be to the point. Certainly the style and subject matter seem more appropriate to Smith than Butler, and the number of deletions and corrections scrawled between the lines indicate Butler's uncertainty about his text. In any case, the fragment, apparently never before printed, is here offered for whatever interest it may have.

About Panique feares seizeinge upo[n] an Army. It hathe bin founde the Generall practise of all able Generalls in thes panique feares w[hi]ch have often befalne armies never to hazarde a Battell before they hadd re-covered and assured the speritts of their men: and this they commonly practised by one of thees two waies or by bothe: By makeinge of speeches [interlineation indistinct] to them: or by a strounge entrenchinge the terrified Army in some place of Advantage not far fro[m] their enemies: and fro[m] thence by smale skirmiges of some selected men of theirs to lett the rest find by litle and litle that neither their enemies wer[e] invicteable nor more valient [than] themselves: But that by the conduction of their cheifes and their obedience to their Discipline they might be broken.

Thus did Caesar in his warre w[i]th Ariovistus who being lodged betwixt him and his victualles, w[hi]ch incited the feare[,] Caesar hereupon marched w[i]th his whole Army and fortified in an advantagious place, about two miles distant from the enemies camp, the w[hi]ch withall favoured the accesse of his provisions of victualls unto him, employeinge one thirde of his Army in the worcke whilst the other two stoode in Battell [array], to repulse Ariovistus if he should attempt to hinder his Fortificationes: This being done, he left two Legions lodged w[i]thin thes entrenchments, and brought back all the rest of his Army into his old Camp: And the morrow after presented himselfe in Battell betweene bothe the Campes: but so as that Ariovistus issueinge out upon him was by Caesars best men who wer ordered purposely to receive him, soe entertained, as he was gladd to retire with the worst: wherupo[n] Caesar finding the Courage of his soldiers hereby recovered, brought out all his Army, and marchinge to the very retrenchments of the enemies Camp, provoked him to the Combatt; fought w[i]th him and defeated him[.]

For mine owne part, I find no cause to doubt, but that if our first discoverers upon the severall portes in the West-Indies hadd bin but as heedfull and wise to maintaine those Indians in theis kindes of Panique such conceated feares w[hi]ch they hadd of our men and Armes at the sight, as Caesar was to disengage his soldiers from them; wee might to this daye, have wrought more amongst them by the Beating of a Drumme, that [than?] now wee can by the fieringe of a Canon.

There is a tantalizingly similar passage in John Cruso's translation of the duc de Rohan's Le Parfait capitaine (1631), entitled The Complete Captain, or An Abbridgement of Cesars warres, with observations upon them (Cambridge, 1640), 6, but the chronology makes this source for the fragment impossible. At the same time, although John Smith barely mentioned Caesar in his own writings, his friends did refer to him in various commendatory verses, and there can be no doubt that Smith was familiar with Caesar's classic works. But such tiny details as the spelling of battaglia after the Italian fashion (Butler crossed the word out and substituted "Battell") point to someone like Smith, who knew some Italian, as the author. One unique word, "invicteable" (not in the OED); unusual spellings, such as "fortificationes"; and frequent deletions and changes, all at least point away from Butler, if not directly toward Smith. In any case, pending further analysis, Smith's name may be tentatively suggested, thus justifying the inclusion of this fragment.

[Source: Generall Historie, 45, 230.]

As has been mentioned in the Generall Historie, 9n, Smith "illustrated" that work with a number of bits of more or less pertinent poetry, all of which, with the exception of two rhyming couplets, were borrowed from Martin Fotherby's Atheomastix. These two couplets are repeated here with some slight additional comment.

\ Thus God unboundless by his power,
Made them thus kind, would us devour.

Smith's use of the word "unboundless" is cited in the OED as an example of the occasional redundant addition of the prefix "un-" to a word ending in "-less," which is found chiefly in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

\ A due desert, for fortune makes provision
For Knaves and Fooles, and men of base condition.

The editor has already observed elsewhere that "the incorporation of the fool among fortune's unfavored runs contrary to proverb — fools do have fortune" ("Captain John Smith and the Bishop of Sarum," Huntington Library Quarterly, XXVI [1962–1963], 25).

[Source: Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London, 1625), I, 178–179.]

Brief as it is, the following reference to Smith in an unusual context is significant of Purchas's interest in him. In his chapter on "the diversity of Letters used by the divers Nations in the World," Purchas observed that

for the varietie and differing formes, Art hathsuperabounded: both in the subject and instrument, some writing with Pencils as the Japenites and Chinois, others with Pens, others with Instruments of Iron ... or other metall, in Table-bookes ... Paper, Cloth, Parchment, and innumerable other materials: in the forme also and manner, with Quippos in Stones and Threads, as in Peru; ... with Characters ... as the Chinois, Japonites, and our Arithmeticians and Astronomers in the figures of their Arts; some with fiery Torches, as you may read in Captain Smiths following Relations....

[Source: Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London, 1625), II, 1361–1370.]

This account of John Smith's early life evidently grew out of personal contacts with Samuel Purchas that can conjecturally be assigned to c. 1622– 1623. These years saw the beginnings of Purchas's Pilgrimes1 and Smith's inactivity between the publication of New Englands Trials (1622) and work on the prospectus for the Generall Historie (1623). Smith seems to have given Purchas what he had available, partly raw, partly prepared. Only in 1629 did Smith rework this material for his True Travels, with a number of alterations, both great and small. For convenience' sake, we have called this prototype of the True Travels "the Purchas version."

The reprinting here of material that has already been presented in Smith's True Travels is warranted by the historical significance of the Purchas version on its own merits. But in addition, the editor has seized this opportunity to deal at greater length with the numerous perplexities linked to Smith's story. These difficulties will be listed below. For the moment it is necessary only to state that it is the editor's intention to discuss theories and hypotheses regarding Smith's career in this introduction and in the notes to the Purchas version, while reserving the usual factual information for the notes to the True Travels. The one major exception to this plan is the discussion of Smith's "Patent," or grant of arms, by Zsigmond Bá thory, which is taken up in the editor's Introduction to the True Travels because the patent is no more than mentioned in the Purchas version.

In detail, in addition to many minor alterations, the following significant sections of the True Travels do not appear in the Purchas version.

1. Chapter 1, in entirety (Purchas or Smith perhaps considered this material too personal for Purchas's work).

2. Chapter 3; 15 folio lines on Rome, including Smith's meeting with the Jesuit, Father Parsons.

3. End of Chapter 5 and pp. 9–10 of Chapter 6 (the account in the True Travels is much expanded from the Purchas version, apparently with the help of Richard Knolles's Generall Historie).2

4. Chapter 7, bottom of p. 11 (where Smith adds questionable information on Meldritch) and p. 12 (which contains a good deal of new material).

5. Chapter 8, including the complete description in Latin and English of the bestowal of Smith's coat of arms. The Purchas version has only the first two sentences of this chapter (II, 1366).3 Purchas cut this material badly, as shown by the mistaken attribution of the sacking of Varatzo, and so on, to Meldritch. After the mention of Smith's arms, the True Travels has the complete details in Latin and in English (pp. 15–18).

6. Chapters 9–11. These pages apparently comprehended the restored text of Smith's "the Historie at large," to which the Purchas version refers (II, 1366).4 No outside source has been found for the masterpiece of description on these pages, which in literary quality ranks with Smith's superb description in the Accidence and the Sea Grammar of the preparation for a sea battle. It is improbable that anything other than the events themselves was Smith's source in such passages.

7. Chapters 14–16. The side information was probably introduced by Smith to fill out his book and was largely derived from Purchas, Pilgrimes (see pertinent footnotes in the True Travels).

8. Chapters 18–20. The Purchas version has it that Smith "was animated by some friends" to look into "the Warres ... in Barbarie" (II, 1370),5 while Smith claims that he went to "Saffee" (True Travels, 34), but "the warres being ended" he tried "some other conclusions at Sea" (ibid., 39). It might not be unfair to Purchas to suggest that he may have omitted the Moroccan adventure for fear of being "tedious."

9. Chapters 21–28 do not concern us here, since they are not part of Smith's "Travels and Adventures."

We have taken up the intractability of chapter 1 of the True Travels in the Introduction to that work. The Purchas version opens in medias res with chapter 2, and carries on through chapter 3, adding illustrative maps of France and Transylvania engraved by Jodocus Hondius, but lacking the important detail of Smith's visit to Parsons in Rome, as mentioned. More important was a shift in emphasis in the text of the True Travels whereby Smith omitted at this point an acknowledgment stressed by Purchas, and only inconspicuously noted by Smith later (in the marginalia on p. 22). In the Purchas version, after the clause "this insuing Discourse will declare," this acknowledgment reads, "as it is written in a Booke intituled, The Warres of Transilvania, Wallachi[a], and Moldavia, written by Francisco Ferneza a Learned Italian, Secretarie to Sigismundus Bathor the Prince" (II, 1363),6 to which the True Travels adds, "and translated by Master Purchas."

Furthermore, as if to emphasize Ferneza's authorship, Purchas added a subtitle to his text: "Extracts of Captaine Smiths Transylvanian Acts, out of Fr. Fer. his Storie," and printed the extracted text, long as it was, in italics. Then, at the end, he reverted to roman type with the comment, "as the Historie at large will plainly shew, the times, place, chiefe Commanders, with the manner and order of their battels, and fights, to which I referre you."7

Purchas's Pilgrimes is a huge work that has not yet been thoroughly studied in all respects. Nevertheless, a preliminary scrutiny has not revealed a single invented name for a quoted author or source (though at least one mistaken attribution of a source has been noted). Careful scanning of the entire corpus also reveals that material extracted from other works was customarily italicized. Subject to further investigation, these two preliminary conclusions are of considerable pertinence.

The name "Ferneza" seems to have been the result of an error in copying made somewhere along the way. Three possible corrections of the name have occurred to the editor: (1) the Italian name Farnese; (2) the Latin form, Ferreus, of the Hungarian name Vas; (3) the Hungarian name Pernezy. As for Farnese, there were ties between that family and the Gonzagas in Italy, and both Vincenzo and Ferrante Gonzaga were involved in the history of Hungary and Transylvania in Smith's day;8 but in all the widespread branches of the Farneses, no Francisco has been found for the period 1580– 1630, nor has any other Farnese been located who is known to have been in the war zone where Smith was active. On the other hand, a Ferenc Vas (Latin, Franciscus Ferreus) did exist and was a loyal supporter of Zsigmond Báthory. Also, Vas had been educated in Italy, though no book by him seems to have existed, or at least survived. The name Pernezy is introduced merely because it could easily have been miscopied "Ferneza," and because there were marriage ties between at least one Pernezy and Zsigmond Báthory.9

Along with these uncertainties, Edward Arber, the industrious editor of Smith's works in Queen Victoria's heyday, took up the Ferneza problem with Don Pascual de Gayangos y Arce, the distinguished Spanish bibliographer then attached to the British Museum, and reported: Don Pascual "has seen a printed Spanish translation of this Italian history, rendered into Spanish by a Montalvo."1 Although every effort to track this down has failed, and although Gayangos may have erred in some detail in his report to Arber, that he should have invented a bibliographical "ghost" is close to being out of the question. As for the way in which the "Ferneza" book reached Purchas's hands, it can hardly be doubted that Smith himself had it. Smith returned to Transylvania after his escape from slavery and found many "good friends" in "Hermonstat"2 (Sibiu). But conditions had changed greatly. István Bocskai, Báthory's uncle, was endeavoring to pull the country together by cooperating with the Ottoman Empire. Though an old-time adherent of Báthory's might not be welcome, Smith could hardly have been forgotten — especially with the tales he could tell of the Turks. It thus seems to be ever so little romancing to suggest that "Francisco Ferneza his Storie" was put together there by Smith and "Ferneza," not only to take back to England, but more immediately to have handy when "at last he found the most gracious Prince Sigismundus, with his Colonell at Lipswick in Misenland."3

In summary, then, the editor submits that Purchas did surely have some manuscript book pertinent to Smith's experiences written by someone who knew him, but which was "edited" here and there to fit Purchas's, and Smith's, subject: Smith's travels and adventures.

To turn, then, to the details of the "Ferneza" account. The "losse of Caniza" (Nagykanizsa) is a recorded fact. It was surrendered to the Turks on October 22, 1600, about the time of Turkish activity by the akinci (cavalry raiders) in the direction of Styria (Steiermark).4 Only 50 km. (31 mi.) west by north of Nagykanizsa stood the fortified town of Lendava (Smith's "Olumpagh"; German, Limbach; Latin, Olimacum). Stiff akinci attacks on "Olumpagh" are recorded in 1600, 1601, and 1603.5 The raid that Smith helped to thwart was evidently that of 1601.

While the history of eastern Europe lies far beyond our present subject, John Smith's adventures can hardly be understood without at least a skeleton résumé. In 1453 Mehmet the Conqueror, as he is called today, put an end to the Eastern Roman Empire. The last emperor, Constantine XI Palaeologue, was killed when Constantinople fell and became Istanbul. (Smith's "Seignior Theadora Polaloga" was a collateral descendant of Constantine.)6 Mehmet quickly protected his Black Sea flank by instating Mengli Giray as vassal khan of Crimea and by marrying his son to Mengli's daughter. (Mengli's son was an ancestor of Gazi Giray, the "Crym-Tartar" whose foragers captured Smith.)7

Mehmet's great-grandson was Suleiman, called "the Magnificent" in the West and "the Lawgiver" in Turkey, who ascended the throne in 1520, the year when Henry VIII of England held parleys with Francis I of France and Charles V, the young Holy Roman emperor. Suleiman startled Europe by extending the Asiatic Ottoman Empire almost to the walls of Vienna, when he suddenly died in 1566. The Ottoman grand vizier secured a treaty with Charles V's successor, Ferdinand I, "along a defensible line" that included practically all Suleiman's conquests.8

This treaty was maintained, despite frequent petty violations, until 1593, when Suleiman's grandson, Murat III, was drawn into all-out war: the "Long War" of 1593–1606, in which John Smith would eventually play a small part. Murat died in January 1595 and was succeeded by his son Mehmet III (both spellings are modern Turkish). Murat had sustained the empire at its zenith, what with an area of a million square miles, plus vassal or tributary states.9 But no sooner had Mehmet mounted the imperial taht (couch-throne) than Grand Vizier Sinan Pasha was defeated by a Christian coalition led by Zsigmond Báthory, just married to the Holy Roman emperor's first cousin Maria Christina. Zsigmond's right and left hands were Mihai Viteazul (Michael the Brave), voivode of Walachia, famed for his franc-tireurs, and István Bocskai, Zsigmond's uncle, commander of the Szeklers who comprised the main body of troops. The scene of action was Giurgiu, on the Danube, south of Bucharest.1

Tangential to the main story, but illustrative of the confused actions in which Smith became involved, it should be noted that Mihai was independent of spirit — so much so that he is considered one of the forerunners of the movement that created the modern state of Rumania. His services against the Turks at Giurgiu were rewarded five years later in August 1601, by his being murdered at the instigation of Gen. Giorgio Basta, imperial commander in Transylvania, after Mihai had supported Basta against Zsigmond.

After, and because of, this defeat at Giurgiu, the grand vizier persuaded the sultan to lead his troops personally to victory, and in the heart of Hungary. In October 1596 Mehmet, aided by the Crimean khan, roundly trounced Archduke Maximilian, the emperor's younger brother, and Zsigmond Báthory. But Mehmet preferred life in Istanbul, and little happened. In 1599 peace overtures were made. Abortive though they were, Smith's statement about rumors "of a generall peace" is substantially correct.2

By then, however, in far-off France Philippe-Emmanuel de Lorraine, the duke of Mercoeur and of Brittany, had volunteered to lead the imperial armies of Rudolph II, Holy Roman emperor, to victory over the imperial armies of Mehmet III, sultan of Turkey.3 Furthermore, after the loss of Nagykanizsa, mentioned above, Pope Clement VIII issued a call to arms in Italy. Ferrante Gonzaga, cousin of Vincenzo, duke of Mantua, was already on the scene. Vincenzo quickly assembled a regiment or two and galloped to the front. The Gonzagas' historical reports are invaluable, and their actions certainly won laurels;4 but their overall effect was negligible. Still, John Smith seems to have had some contact with an Italian regiment or company. His works contain half a dozen Italian words seldom found in print (even in Italian),5 and he refers to the language as being useful in talking to Charatza Trabigzanda (see below).

At this point, after taking part in repelling the akinci attack on Lendava, Smith was sent to Körmend, where he was promoted to captain by his colonel, one "Meldritch." From there he was transferred with his regiment to Komarom (Komarno, Czechoslovakia, today), to be incorporated in the army commanded by the duke of Mercoeur, by then Archduke Matthias's lieutenant. Mercoeur suddenly planned and executed a "diversion," a surprise attack on Szekesfehervar (Latin, Alba Regia), the ancient Hungarian royal city known in Viennese circles as Stuhlweissenburg that had been held by the Turks for half a century. With an army of 18,000, including Smith, he marched 50 km. (30-odd mi.) in three days and encamped in the northern suburbs.6 Two weeks later, on September 20, the city was freed. John Smith described his small part in the siege, and some historical accounts mention the weapons he used. Of course, Smith's name is missing in these.

After a secondary engagement nearby, with winter setting in, Mercoeur left for Vienna and France, planning to recruit more troops, but he died on the way in February 1602. By then, Meldritch and Smith were detailed to serve under Giorgio Basta. The choice of Basta for commanding general was a strategical as well as a diplomatic mistake. Basta's cut-and-dried military mind was unsuited for operations in a region of unusual political, social, and religious involvement.

Be that as it may, Meldritch and Smith arrived at Basta's headquarters in Bistrita (Hungarian, Beszterce) in March 1602. At almost the same moment, Basta returned to Hungary. Less than 200 km. (125 mi.) away, Zsigmond Báthory was enjoying a state of typical indecision in Brasov (Hungarian, Brassó; German, Kronstadt) and was again at odds with Basta. The upshot of these developments was that Meldritch, according to Smith, wrote to Zsigmond offering to change sides. His offer was accepted.

Austrian documentary sources indicate that Zsigmond was in AlbaIulia (Hungarian, Gyulafehérvár; German, Karlsburg, formerly Weissenburg) on or about April 1, 1602.7 Sometime before that, Smith's corps moved south from Bistrita toward "the Land of Zarkain," which seems to correspond with the ancient county of Zarand, west of Alba-Iulia and broadly locatable on a modern map by the resort town of Brad, at the east end of the Zarandului Mountains. The region is rugged and would be a natural hiding place for the people described in the Purchas version (II, 1365). Somewhere there, Meldritch and Smith encamped on "the Plaines of Regall." This name is the absurd result of a mistake based on the text of Smith's grant of arms, which is not included in the Purchas version (see the True Travels, 15–18). The Latin original of this refers to "ad Urbem Regalem," which someone mistranslated as "before the towne of Regall," instead of "toward, or on the way to, the royal city." That was Alba-Iulia, where the Transylvanian princes had long had their residence. The specific site of the "Plaines" is unknown, though the troops of 1602 could have followed one of several routes, all of them leading past settlements or castles (small forts) in the foothills.

In spite of the lack of any historical record of John Smith's own adventures in Transylvania, his account is historically and geographically substantiated, including the dueling habits that prompted his own participation.8 Thus, the towns Smith mentions exist in modern names: "Varatzo, Solmos, and Kuprouka" are Vărădia, Şoimuş, and KăpruŢa, along the Mures River (Hungarian, Maros), downstream from Alba-Iulia. "Esenberge" is merely a mistake for Weissenburg, mentioned above. Weissenburg (or Alba-Iulia) was taken by Basta on July 2, 1602, giving us a terminus ante quem for Smith's reception by Zsigmond.

Within a matter of months after the duels on the road to Alba-Iulia, John Smith was wounded and captured by Tatars who had straggled up toward Transylvania. The chief if not the only surviving document bearing on this battle is a letter dated October 1, 1602, from Count Tommaso Cavriolo to the Venetian ambassador to the Holy Roman emperor in Prague.9 Cavriolo had been sent to aid General Basta c. early March and had been placed in command of a relief force sent to "encourage and help" Radul Şerban, voivode of Walachia, against whom the Sublime Porte had set up an anti-voivode. Arriving at Radul's camp "beyond Corona [Brasov] at one of the passes to Wallachia" on September 20, Cavriolo tried to instill some order, but Radul's multi-tribal soldiery (Walachians, Hungarians, Moldavians, and Rascians from Serbia) was unruly. When assaulted on September 23 by an estimated 40,000 Tatars they disobeyed orders, and Cavriolo's total of ten cavalry companies plus three late arrivals (1,000 horse in all) barely prevented a disaster. Radul's soldatesca had been stricken with terror ten days before Cavriolo's arrival (i.e., c. September 10) when 2,000 Tatars had routed 8,000 of themselves, with 2,000 dead and 800 prisoners. Nevertheless, Cavriolo restored discipline and with a wily stratagem sent the Tatars back over the pass on September 24.

That the skirmish of September 23–24 was the battle in which Smith was wounded has been rightly questioned by various specialists, but he could well have been caught in the previous clash, or one similar to both elsewhere in the neighborhood. The Tatars numbered all told "more than 140,000."1 Although the number appears highly unlikely, certainly there were enough to swarm over more than one pass. Cavriolo's report reinforces Smith's credibility: "I have never seen so much cavalry in action at once, never heard such shouts, [never seen] such a way of fighting."2

At the end of the "Extracts" attributed to "Ferneza" Purchas adds that "the Historie at large will shew" further details. With or without the "Historie," however, the subsequent events narrated in the Pilgrimes fit into the general historical picture. Prisoners who were not held for ransom were often sold into slavery, and both of these considerations apparently entered into John Smith's case. As put by Smith, when "the Pillagers [found that] hee was able to live, and perceiving by his armor and habit, his ransome might be better to them, than his death, they led him prisoner with many others."3 His wounds were cured, and he was taken to "Axiopolis" on the Danube. This town appears on many old maps near the site of modern Cernavoda, Rumania. A more likely place for a slave market, however, would have been Silistra (Bulgaria), 80 km. (50 mi.) upstream and mentioned by Cavriolo as the rumored provisional goal of the Tatars. A good road led from there to Istanbul by way of Adrianople (Edirne). Smith, whose complexion made him look younger than his twenty-two years, was bought by "Bashaw Bogall" as a gift to his ladylove in Istanbul, "Charatza Trabigzanda." "Bogall" was not a pasha but probably called a bashi (head of something, captain), and he may have been a bakkal (shopkeeper, grocer, etc.); "Charatza Trabigzanda" evidently was a distortion of a Greek phrase meaning, "girl whose family came from Trebizond."

In practically identical terms both the True Travels and the Purchas version detail the story of how Charatza Trabigzanda went out of her way to inquire into Smith's past history, taking "(as it seemed) much compassion on him." Then, because he was not needed in Istanbul, and she was afraid her mother might sell him again, she sent him to her brother, "the Tymor Bashaw of Nalbrits, ... in Tartaria." As Smith put it, "shee told him, he should there but sojourne to learne the language, and what it was to be a Turke, till time made her Master of her selfe."4

Reading between the lines, it seems probable that Charatza had her heart set on marrying Smith. But she wanted to make something of him, in Turkey, where Christian slaves could become somebody. Her brother, whoever he really was, managed a timar, a fief granted him for some service to the state. John Smith could be freed by being trained for service, and we may hazard a guess that Charatza intended for her brother to teach Smith what he needed to know and do. This, if the editor reads the account correctly, is precisely what the brother set out to do. In the words of an analogous training reported by Purchas, "when one ... hathrunne through all the Orders ... he is, without all question, the most mortified and patient man in the World. For the blowes which they suffer, and the fastings which are commanded them for every small fault, is a thing of great admiration."5

John Smith rebelled. The question of whether he understood what was going on is as academic in this case as the question of whether he understood Powhatan's intentions five years later. Seizing the first opportunity, he murdered Charatza's brother, put on the brother's clothes, and rode off on the brother's horse. Smith's reference to the beaten track to Astrakhan ("Custragan," in Purchas), coupled with the absence of any encounters with Turkish guards, lends support to a surmise that Smith was serving time near the Muscovite frontier, east of the Black Sea. The town of Azov (Turkish, Azak), where the Don River enters the sea of that name, was held by the Turks, or the Tatars, but there were Muscovite outposts not far away. (That Smith's "River Bruago" [or "Bruapo"] was not the Don is shown by his referring to the Don as another river.)

From this point to the abrupt close of the Purchas version, Smith's route led through the little-known expanses of what is now the Ukrainian S.S.R. to Poland and Western Europe. As mentioned in the Introduction to the True Travels, Purchas did not have (or decided to omit) Smith's account of his foray into Morocco. After all, it added only Smith's vivid description of a sea battle in the early 1600s.

1. Purchas says that the printing was started in Aug. 1621 (Pilgrimes, I, xlv [the modern edition published by James MacLehose and Sons in 20 vols. (Glasgow, 1905–1907) is used here for ease of reference]). Note, however, that the first outside reference appears to be on Feb. 27, 1622/1623 (see W. Noel Sainsbury, ed., Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series [East Indies, 1622–1624] [London, 1878], 18).

2. Richard Knolles, The Generall Historie of the Turkes ..., 3d ed. (London, 1621 [orig. publ. 1603]). See Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, 1964), 33–36, 407– 408, n. 1.

3. Purchas, Pilgrimes (Glasgow ed.), VIII, 331–332.

4. Ibid., 334.

5. Ibid., 342.

6. Ibid., 325.

7. Ibid., 334.

8. See, inter alia, Maria Bellonci, A Prince of Mantua: The Life and Times of Vincenzo Gonzaga, trans. Stuart Hood (New York, 1956).

9. Genealogical tree of the Báthory family (of Somlyo).

1. Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ...Works, 1608–1631, The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 (Birmingham, 1884), xxiii.

2. True Travels, 33.

3. Ibid.

4. Günther Cerwinka, "Die Eroberung der Festung Kanizsa durch die Türken im Jahre 1600," in Alexander Novotny and Berthold Sutter, eds., Innerösterreich 1564–1619 (Graz, [1968]), 409–511.

5. Krajevni leksikon Dravske banovine ... (Zonal lexicon for the Drava district) (Ljubljana, 1937).

6. Barbour, Three Worlds, 15–16, 401–402, n. 7.

7. W.E.D. Allen, Problems of Turkish Power in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1963), and the Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed., s.v. "Giray."

8. Stanford Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey (Cambridge, 1976), I, 87– 111.

9. Ibid., 179–186. The editor is indebted to this work generally for many details.

1. There are many (sometimes conflicting) accounts of these developments, for which two sources may be consulted: László Makkai, Histoire de Transylvanie (Paris, 1946), and Ştefan Olteanu, Les Pays roumains á l'époque de Michel le Brave (l'union de 1600) (Bucharest, 1975).

2. Even before the war broke out, the Turks were attempting broadly to keep or make peace. In addition to Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire, see Gustav Bayerle, Ottoman Diplomacy in Hungary: Letters from the Pashas of Buda, 1590–1593 (Bloomington, Ind., 1972) and Carl Max Kortepeter, Ottoman Imperialism during the Reformation: Europe and the Caucasus (New York, 1972). Professor Bayerle personally has offered many a helpful correction or suggestion to the editor regarding the Turkish side of Smith's adventures, for which formal thanks are here extended.

3. For a short biography of Mercoeur, see Pierre Larousse's Grand dictionnaire universel du XIXe siècle ... (Paris, 1865–1890).

4. See Bellonci, Prince of Mantua, and Giacomo C. Bascapè, ed., Le relazioni fra l'Italia e la Transilvania nel secolo XVI (Rome, 1931).

5. E.g., biscione, big snake (military maneuver), Smith's "in a bishion" (True Relation, sig. B4r); and chiaverina, a kind of javelin, Smith's "a Turks cavarine" (True Travels, 30).

6. Cf. Barbour, Three Worlds, 32–35.

7. See ibid., 42–44, for further details on these confusing events, although the editor has since revised parts of his interpretation. The date, Apr. 1, 1602, is not confirmed elsewhere, and the exact source consulted nearly 20 years ago can no longer be located, but forces loyal to Zsigmond were definitely there before July (Makkai, Histoire, 203).

8. See Laura Polanyi Striker, "Captain John Smith's Hungary and Transylvania," Appendix I in Bradford Smith, Captain John Smith: His Life and Legend (Philadelphia, 1953), 311–342.

9. See Eudoxiu de Hurmuzaki, comp., Documente privitóre la istoria Românilor (Bucharest, 1887– 1922), VIII.

1. Ibid., 245.

2. Ibid., 254.

3. True Travels, 23.

4. Ibid. 23–24.

5. See Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 1592, which in turn was ultimately derived and translated from a report in Italian made c. 1600 by the Venetian bailo (legate) in Istanbul, Ottaviano Bon. Bon's "Description of the Seraglio" is known to have been circulated in manuscript among foreigners in Istanbul for many years (Ottaviano Bon, "Descrizione del serraglio del gransignore," in Nicolò Barozzi and Guglielmo Berchet, eds., Relazione degli stati europei lette al senato dagli Ambasciatori Veneti nel secolo decimosettimo, Ser. V, Turchia [Venice, 1866]).

IN his youth,3 when France and Netherlands had taught him to ride a Horse, and use his Armes; with such rudiments of Warre as his tender yeeres in this Martiall Schoole could attayne unto; he was desirous to see the World, and trie his fortune against the Turke.4 Opportunitie casting him into the companie of foure French Gallants well attended, fayning to him they were devoted that way;5 over-perswaded him in the Low Countries, to goe with them into France: with such ill weather as winter affoordeth, in the darke night they arrived in the broad shallow inlet of S. Valereys in Piccardie. A worse winter, and darker night accompanied him, namely his French Gallants; which, liking well his apparell, and thinking him better furnished with money then themselves, plotted with the Master of the ship, who conveyed them and his Trunks ashoare; and left him aboord till the Boat could returne, which was not till next day towards evening. The reason he alleaged was, the Sea was so high he could come no sooner: And that his pretended French Lord was gone to Amiens, where they would stay his comming. Which treacherous villanie, when divers other Souldiers Passengers had understood, they had like to have slaine the Master: and had they knowne how, would have runne away with the ship. A French cheater pretending himselfe to be the Lord Depreau and his company, coozen him of his Clothes, Trunkes, and Money.

One of the Souldiers, called Currianver,6 compassionating his injurie, assured him this great Lord Depreau, was onely the sonne of a poore Lawyer of Mortaine7 in Bas Brittaigne, and his attendants Cursel, La Nelie, and Monferat, three younger Brothers, as arrant cheaters as himselfe; and if he would accompanie him, he would bring him to their friends, and in the interim supplie his wants. Thus traveing by Diep, Codobeck, Honfleu, Pount Rodemer in Normandie, they came to Caen in Bas Normande. Where both the Noble Currianver, and many of his friends kindly welcommed him, and brought them to Mortaine, where hee found their friends, as hee had promised him, but to small purpose.8 Yet the bruit occasioned the Ladie Columber, the Baron Larshan, the Lord Shasge, and divers other honourable persons to supplie his wants, and to give him kind entertainment with them, to recreate himselfe as long as he would. But such pleasures little suted with his poore estate: and his restlesse spirit could never find content to receive such noble favours as he could neither deserve, nor requite. Whereupon, wandring from Port to Port, to find some Man of Warre, he spent that he had, and in a Forrest, neere dead with griefe, a rich Farmer found him by a faire fountaine under a tree. This kind Pesant relieved him againe to his content, to follow his intent. Not long after, as he passed through a great Grove of trees betwixt Pounterson and Dinan in Brittaigne, it was his chance to meet Cursell, more miserable then himselfe. Without any word they both drew, and in a short time Cursell fell to the ground: where, from an old ruinated Towne the Inhabitants seeing them, were satisfied, when they heard Cursell confesse what formerly had passed; and that in the dividing what they had stolne from him, they fell by the eares among themselves: but for his part hee excused himselfe to be innocent, as well of the one as of the other. In regard of his hurt, Smith was glad to bee so rid,9 directing his course to an honourable Lord, the Earle of Ployer: who (during the Warres in France) with his two brethren had beene brought up in England, by whom he was better refurnished then ever. When they had shewed him Saint Malo, Mount Saint Michael, Lambal, Saint Brieux, Lanion, and their owne faire Castle of Tunkadeck, Guigan, and divers other places in Brittaigne, and their Cornwall; taking his leave he tooke his way to Renes, the Brettons chiefe Citie; and so to Nantes, Poytiers, Rochell, and Bordeaux. The rumour of the strength of Bayon in Biskay caused him to see it: And from thence tooke his way from Leskar in Bearn, and Pow in the Kingdome of Navarre to Tolouse, Vizers, and Carcasson in Gascoigne; Narbonne, Montpellier, Nysmes, and Poundegale, in Langedock, and through the Countrey of Avinion by Arles, to Marselles in Provence. Currianver, a kind French- man. Diep. Caudebecq. Honfleu. Caen. Hee meets Cursell, and wounds him in fight. Theeves fall out without satisfaction to the true man. Earle of Ployer. Saint Malo, Saint Michael, Lamballe, Saint Brieux, Lanion, places of note in Brittaigne. Renes. Nantes. Rochell. Bordeaux. Baione. Lescar in Bearn. Carcasson. Narbonne.

There embarking himselfe for Italie, the ship was inforced to Toulon; and putting againe to Sea, ill weather so grew upon them, they anchored close aboord the shoare, under the little Ile of Saint Marie against Nice in Savoy. Here the inhumane Provincials with a rabble of Pilgrims of divers Nations going to Rome, hourely cursed him not onely for a Hugonot, but said, his Nation were all Pirats; rayling on his dread Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth, and that they never should have faire weather so long as he was aboord them. There disputations grew to that passion, that they threw him overboord: yet God brought him into that little Ile, where were no Inhabitants. The next morning hee espied two ships more ride by them, put in by the storme; which fetched him aboord, well refreshed him, and so kindly used him, that hee was well contented to trie the rest of his fortunes with them. After he had related unto them this former discourse: what for pitie and for love of the Honourable Earle of Ployer, this Noble Britton his neighbour, Captaine La Roshe of Saint Malo, regarded and entertayned him. With the next faire wind they sayled along by the coast of Corsica, and Sardinia, and crossing the Gulfe of Tunis, passed by Cape Bona, to the Ile of Lam- padosa; leaving the coast of Barbarie till they came at Cape Rosato, and so along by the African shoare for Alexandria in Egypt. There having delivered their fraught, they want to Scanderone;1 and after keeping their course by Cyprus, and the coast of Asia; sayling by Rhodes, the Archipelagus, Candia, and the coast of Grœcia, and the Ile Cephalonia; they lay to and againe a few dayes, betwixt the Ile of Corfu, and the Cape of Otranto in the Kingdome of Naples, in the entrance of the Adriaticke Sea, till they mette with an Argosie of Venice, which it seemes, the Captaine desired to speake with: whose untoward answer was such as slue them a man. Whereupon presently the Britton gave them his broad side, then his stearne, and his other broad side also; and continued his chase Peeces till hee gave so many broad sides one after another, that the Argosies Sayles and tackling were so torne that shee stood to her defence, and made shot for shot. Twice in one houre and halfe the Brittons boorded her, yet they cleered them selves. But clapping her aboord againe, the Argosie fired him, with much danger to them both, but was presently quenched. This rather augmen- ∥ ted the Brettons rage, then abated his courage; and having re-accommodated himselfe againe, he shot her so betweene wind and water, that shee was ready to sinke: then they yeelded. The Brettons lost fifteene men, shee twentie, besides divers hurt: the rest went to worke on all hands; some to stop the leakes, others to guard the prisoners, which were chayned; the rest to rifle her. The Silkes, Velvets, Cloth of gold, and Tissue; Peasters, Chickines, and Sultanies, they unloaded in foure and twentie houres in wonderfull store: whereof having sufficient; and tyred with toyle, they cast her off with all her companie, with as much good Merchandize as would have fraughted such another Britton. Nysmes. Marceille in Provence. Toulon. An inhumane Act of Popish charitie. Entertayned by a Brittaigne Captayne. Lampedo's. Alexandria. Scanderone. Cyprus. Rhodes. Archipelagus. Cephalonia. A desperate Sea-fight. Argosie taken and rifled by a ship of Brittaine.

To repaire his defects he stood for the coast of Calabria; but hearing there were sixe or seven Galleys at Mesina, he departed thence for Malta: but the winde comming faire, hee kept his course along the coast of the Kingdome of Sicilia, by Sardinia and Corsica, till hee came to the Road of Antibo in Piemont, where he set Smith on shoare, with five hundred Chickenes, and a little Box which he had, worth neere as much more. Here he embarqued himselfe for Legorne, being glad to have such an oportunitie and meanes to better his experience, by the view of Italie: and having passed Tuscanie,2 Veterbo and many other Cities, as Rome, and Saint Peters Patrimonie,3 he went downe the River Tyber, to Civita Vecha: where hee embarqued himselfe to satisfie his eye with the faire Citie of Naples, and her Kingdomes Nobilitie, returning by Capua, Rome, and Siena, he passed by that admired Citie of Florence, the Cities and Countries of Bolonia, Ferrara, Mantua, Padua, and Venice: whose Gulfe he passed from Malamaco, and the Adriaticke Sea for Ragouza, spending sometime to see the barren broken Coast of Albania and Dalmatia, to Capo de Istria, travelling the Mayne of poore Sclavonia, by Tubliano,4 till hee came to Gratz in Stiria, the Seat of Ferdinando an Arch-duke of Austric, (now Emperour of Almaine) where hee met an English and an Irish Jesuite:5 who acquainted him with many brave Gentlemen of good qualitie: especially with the Lord Ebersbaught, to whom hee gave experiments of such conclusions, as he projected to undertake:6 hee preferred him to Baron Kizell, Generall of the Artillery: and he to a worthy Colonell, the Earle of Meldritch, with whom going to Vienna in Austria, hee made him Captaine of two hundred and fiftie Souldiers,7 under whose Regiments how he spent his time, this insuing Discourse will declare, as it is written in a Booke intituled, The Warres of Transilvania, Wallachi, and Moldavia, written by Francisco Ferneza a Learned Italian, Secretarie to Sigismundus Bathor the Prince.8 Smith set on shoare at Antibo, in Piemont. Legorne, or Livorno. Rome Sienna. Florence, etc. Sclavonia. Gratz in Stiria. Vienna.

After the losse of Caniza, the Turkes with twentie thousand besieged the strong Towne of Olimpach,1 so straitly, as they were cut off from all intelligence and hope of succour, till John Smith an English Gentleman, acquainted Baron Kizell, Generall of the Arch-Dukes Artillerie, that he had taught the Generall2 his worthy Friend, such a Rule, that hee would undertake to make him know any thing he intended, and have his Answere; would they bring him but to some place, where he might make the flame of a Torch seene to the Towne. Kizell inflamed with this strange invention; Smith made it so plaine, that forth-with he gave him Guides, who in the darke night brought him to a Mountaine, where he shewed three Torches equi-distant from each other, which plainly appearing to the Towne, the Governour presently apprehended: and answered againe with three other fires in like manner, each thus knowing the others being and intent. Smith, though distant seven miles, signified to him these words. On Thursday at night I will charge on the East, at the Alarme sally you: Eberspaught answered he would. And thus it was done, First, he writ his Message, as briefe you see, as could be; then divided the Alphabet in two parts thus: A B C D E F G H I K L with one Light, the other Letters following with two, M N O P Q R S T V W X Y Z. The first part from A to L is signified by shewing and hiding one Linke so oft as there is Letters from A to that Letter, you meane; the other part from M to Z, is mentioned by two Lights in like manner; the end of a word is signified by shewing of three Lights, ever staying your Light at that Letter, you meane, till the other may write it in a Paper, and answere by his signall, which is one Light. It is done, beginning to account the Letters, by the Lights every time from A or M: by this meanes, also the other returned his Answere, thereby each understanding other. The Guides all this time, having well viewed the Campe, returned to Kizell, who doubting of his power, being but twentie thousand,3 was animated by the Guides which related that the Turkes were so divided by the River in two parts, that they could not easily second each other. To which Smith added this conclusion, that two or three thousand pieces of Match, fastened to divers small Lines of two hundred fathome in length, beeing armed with Powder, might all bee fired and stretched at one instant, before the Alarme, upon the Plaine of Eysnaburge,4 supported betweene two staves, at each Lines end: in that manner, would seeme as if they were so many Musketiers: which was so put in practice, as being discovered by the Turkes, they prepared to encounter these false fires, thinking there had bin some great Armie, whilst Kizell with his Forces entred the Turkes quarter. They now ranne up and downe as men amazed, and it was not long ere Eberspaught was pell mell with them in their Trenches: in which distracted confusion, a third part of the Turkes that besieged that side towards Konbrucke5 were slaine, many of the rest drowned, and fled: the other part of the Armie was so busied to resist the false fires, that Kizell before the morning had put in two thousand good Souldiers into the Towne, and with small losse was retyred: the Garrison was also well relieved with that which they found in the Turkes Quarter: Which caused the Turkes to rayse their Siege, and returne to Caniza, and Kizell with much honour was received at Kerment:6 and occasioned the Author a good reward and preferment, to bee Captaine of two hundred and fiftie Souldiers, under the conduct of Colonell Meldrich.7 Olimpach relieved. Speech by Torches. A good stratagem. Another stratagem. Smith made Captaine of 250. Souldiers.

A generall Rumour of a generall Peace,8 now spread it selfe all over the face of those tormented Countries: but the Turke intended no such matter, but levied Souldiers from all parts he could, and the Emperour also by the assistance of the Christian Princes, provided three Armies: the one led by the Arch-duke Matthias, the Emperours Brother, and his Lieftenant Duke Mercurie to defend low Hungarie; the second by Ferdinando the Arch-duke of Stiria and the Duke of Mantua his Leiftenant to regaine Caniza: the third by Don GonsagoGovernour of high Hungarie to joyne with Basta,9 to make an absolute Conquest of Transilvania. Three Armies.

Duke Mercurie with an Armie of thirtie thousand (whereof neere ten thousand were French) besieged Stolewisenburg, otherwise called Alba Regalis, a place so strong by art and nature that it was thought impregnable. There hapened many a bloudie sally, strange stratagems and valiant Exploits on both sides by severall Nations; but in briefe, Earle Meldritch by the information of three or foure Christians escaped out of the Towne.1 Captaine Smith tooke occasion upon the great Assemblies, thronging together at every Alarme, to put in practice the fierie Dragons, which hee had demonstrated him and the Earle Von Sults2 at Comora, which he thus performed. After hee had prepared fortie or fiftie Earthen round bellied Pots, prepared with mixtures, Powder and Bullets, as experiences had taught him (though with exceeding danger) he so fitly placed them in slings, graduated so neere as they could to these Assemblies, and other places of advantage, that at mid-night upon the Alarme, it was a fearefull sight to see the short flaming course of their flight in the Ayre: but presently after the fall, the lamentable noyse of the miserable slaughtered Turkes was most terrible; besides, they fired that strong Suburbe, at the Port of Buda, in two or three places, which so troubled the Turkes to quench, that had there beene any meanes to have assaulted them, they could hardly have resisted the fire and their Enemies. The siege of Alba Regalis. Fierie Dragons.

This Citie being taken by the incredible Adventures of the Duke,3 the Earle Roseworme with the other Colonell and Captaines, which had beene in possession of the Turkes, more then fiftie yeares: the ∥ Turke sent presently Asan Bassa with threescore thousand, if it were possible to re-gaine it: the Duke understanding this, with twentie thousand met him: where five or sixe thousand were slaine, with the Bassa of Buda, and foure or five Zanzackes.4 A Battell, and the Bassa of Buda slaine.

Duke Mercurie5 dividing his Armie, sent the Earle Meldrich (of whose Company was Captaine Smith in this encounter) to assist the Lord Basta,6 Generall for the Emperor Rudolph, against Sigismundus Bathur, the Prince of Transilvania: who was beyond all mens beliefe, newly returned from Polonia: and established in his Estate; the Earle neither finding pay, nor such regard as he expected, perswaded his Troupes rather to serve the Prince against the Turkes,7 then Basta against the Prince. The Souldiers worne out with these paylesse Travels, upon hope to make Bootie of what they could get from the Turke, were easily perswaded to follow him wheresoever: especially to helpe to re-gaine or ransacke his Fathers Country then possessed by the Turkes, which (they heard) notwithstanding those Warres, were rich and unspoyled.8 The Prince glad of so brave a Commander, and so many expert and ancient Souldiers, made him Campe-master of his Armie, gave him all necessaries else hee could, and what freedome they desired to ransacke the Turkes.

The Earle having made many incursions into the Land of Zarkain,9 amongst the rockie Mountaines, where the people were some Turkes, some Tartars, some Jewes, but most Banditos, Renegadoes, and such like, which sometimes he forced into the Plaines of Regall:1 where is a Citie, not only of men and Fortifications, strong of it selfe; but so environed with Mountaines, and the passage so difficult, that in all those warres, no attempt had beene made upon it to any purpose. Having satisfied himselfe with the situation and those passages, amongst which he had many a sharpe encounter:2 at last, with eight thousand he pitched his Campe before it. The Inhabitants scorning so small a number, sallied in such abundance, that about one hundred and fiftie3 were slaine on both sides, and the Turkes chased so neere the Ports, that the Towers small shot and Ordnance caused the Earle to retyre. Regal besieged.

The next day Zachell Moyzes, Lieutenant Generall to the Prince, came with foure thousand Foote and Horse, and foure and twentie Peeces of Ordnance, but in regard of the situation of the place, they did more feare then hurt them: till they had spent neere a monethin raising their Mounts and Batteries; which slow proceeding the Turkes daily derided, and as fearing least they should depart erethey assaulted the Citie, sent this challenge to any Captaine in their Armie:4 That to delight the Ladies who did long to see some Courtlike pastime, the Lord Turbashaw did defie any Captaine that had the command of a Companie, which durst cumbat with him for his head. The matter being discussed, was accepted. But so many questions grew for the undertaking, that it was decided by lots, and the lot fell upon Captaine Smith, before spoken of.5 Truce being taken for that time, the Rampiers all beset with faire Dames, and men in Armes, the Christians in Batalia; Turbashaw, with a voice of Hoboyes entred the field, well mounted and armed: on his shoulders were fixed two paire of great wings, richly garnished with gold, silver, and precious stones,6 a Janisarie before him, bearing his Launce; on each side, another leading his Horse; where long he stayed not before Smith with a noise of Trumpets (onely a Page bearing his Lance) passing by him, with a curteous salute, tooke his ground with such good successe, that at the sound of the charge he passed the Turke thorowthe sight of his beaver, face, head, and all, that hee fell dead to the ground; where alighting, unbracing his Helmet, he tooke off his head, leaving the Turkes his body, and so returned without any hurt at all. The head he presented to the Lord Moyzes the Generall, who kindly accepted it, and with joy to the whole Armie, he was generally welcome. Three single combats. The first onely with Lances. Manner of Turbashas entrance. Captaine Smith enters. Turbasha slaine.

The death of this Captaine, so swelled in the heart of one Grualgo his vowed friend, as rather inraged with madnesse then choller, he directed a particular Challenge to the Conquerour, to regaine his friends head, or lose his owne, with his Horse and Armour for advantage: which, according to his desire, was the next day undertaken, as before. Upon the sound of the Trumpets their Launces flew in pieces, upon a cleere passage, but that the Turke was neere unhorsed: their Pistols were the next, which marked Smith upon the Placket; but the next shot, the Turke was so wounded in the left arme, that not able to rule his Horse, and defend himselfe, he was throwne to the ground, and so bruised with the fall, that he lost his head, as his friend before him, with his Horse and Armour; but his bodie and his rich apparell, was sent backe to the Towne. The second combat twixt Smith and Grualgo with Pistols. Grualgo slaine.

Every day the Turkes made some sallies, but few skirmishes would they indure to any purpose, our workes and approaches being not yet advanced to that height, and effect as necessitie required. To delude time, Smith with many incontradictable perswading reasons, obtained leave, that the Ladies might know he was not so much enamored with their Servants heads, but if any Turke of their ranke would come to the place of Combat to redeeme them, hee should have his also upon the like conditions, if they could winne it. The Challenge presently was accepted by Bony Molgro. The next day both the Champions entring the field, as before, each discharging their Pistols, having no Launces, but such martiall weapons as the Defendant had appointed, no hurt was done. Their Battle-axes were the next, whose piercing bils made sometimes the one, sometimes the other, to have scarce sence to keepe their Saddles: especially the Christian received such a wound, that he lost his Battle-axe, and failed not much to have fallen after it: whereat the supposing conquering Turke had a great shout from the Rampiers. The Turke prosecuted his advantage to the uttermost of his power: yet the other, what by the readinesse of his Horse, and his judgement and dexteritie in such a businesse beyond all mens expectation, by Gods assistance, not onely avoyded the Turkes violent blowes, but having drawne his Faulchion, pierced the Turke so under the 7∥ Cullets through backe and body, that although he alighted from his Horse, hee stood not long erehee lost his head, as the rest had done. Third combat with Battle Axes. Captaine Smith endangered. Drawes his Faulchion, and kills Bonny Molgro.

This good successe8 gave such incouragement to the Armie, that with a guard of sixe thousand, three spare Horses, before each, a Turkes head upon Launces, hee was conducted to the Generals Pavilions with his presents. Moyses received both him and them with as much respect as the occasion deserved, imbracing him in his armes, gave him a faire Horse richly furnished, a Cymiter and Belt worth three hundred Ducats, and Meldrich made him Sergeant Major of his Regiment. The Towne with an incredible trouble and danger was assaulted, and at last taken perforce, where the Earle remembring his Fathers death, caused all he could find beare Armes to be put to the Sword, and their heads to bee set upon stakes, round about the walls, in the same manner as they had served the Christians when they tooke it. Then he sacked Varatzo, Solmos, and Kuprouka, whereto had retired the remnant of this Den of Theeves, leaving five thousand dead (though he lost neere as many, yet) with all the spoyle and two thousand prisoners (most women and children) he returned to Esenberge, not farre from the Princes Pallace, where hee incamped. The Prince comming to view the Armie, presented with the Prisoners, and sixe and thirtie Ensignes (after his accustomed manner, having given thankes to God) he was acquainted what service Smith had done at Olimpach, Stolewisenberge, and Regall; for which, with great honor and solemnitie, he gave him three Turkes heads in a Shield for Armes, with an oath ever to weare them in his Colours, his picture in gold, and three hundred Duckats yeerely for a pension.9 His honorable returne. Made Sergeant Major. Regall taken. Vartzo, Solmos, Cuprouka. Prince of Transilvania honoreth Captaine Smith.

During all this time, Basta and the Prince being capitulating of a peace, the Emperour had raised new forces for Basta to invade Transilvania; which caused the Prince to condescend to the Articles propounded him: which when Moyses understood, then in field with the whole Armie (that hated the Germans as ill as Turkes) he gave battell to Basta. betwixt them in sixe or seven houres, more then sixe or seven thousand on both sides were slaine. Moyses thus overthrowne fled to the Turkes, and his scattered Troopes, some one way, some another. The Prince excused himselfe of this unexpected accident, made composition for his dispersed Troopes, yeelded himselfe to Basta; and all his Countrey and Subjects to the Emperours obedience.10 Bloudie battell of christians.

Basta thus possessed of Transilvania, drew all the Christians of those old Regiments of Sigismundus, of whose greatnesse and true affections, he was most suspitious, under the conduct of Rodoll Voyvad of Walachia, forced out by Jeremy, put in by the Turke. In this Armie of thirtie thousand, Captaine Smith was one,1 who (under his noble Colonell holding the same places he had before) had many severall imployments in every dangerous incounter, which would be too voluminous particularly to relate, before they could draw Prince Jeremy, to battaile, where (as it is recorded) two thousand on both sides, lay dead in the fields; but Jeremy fled, and Rodol had the victorie, and thereby againe his Soveraigntie. Smiths imployments under the Vayvod of Walachy. Bloudie battell twixt the two Vayvods.

Meldrich not long after with thirteene thousand, was sent against the stragling escaped Troopes of Jeremy, which joyning with some Tartars, for- raged the frontiers towards Moldavia; but when they heard it was the Crimme Tartar and his two sonnes, with thirtie thousand, and that Jeremy which had escaped, lay with fifteene thousand in Ambuscado for him, about Langanow, hee retired towards Rotenton, a strong Garison for Rodoll: But they were so invironed with these hellish numbers, that they could make no great haste for skirmishing with their Scoutes and Forragers: Yet by getting through a wood in a thick Fog, meeting two thousand loaden with pillage, and two or three hundred Horse and Cattell, the most of them were slaine or taken prisoners, who told Meldrich where Jeremy lay, expecting the Crimme Tartar. Meldrich intending to make by him2 his passage by force, was advised of a pretie stratagem by Captaine Smith, which presently so accommodated two or three hundred Trunkes, with wild-fire upon the heads of Launces, charging the enemie in the night, gave fire to the Trunkes, which blasted forth such flames and sparkles, amazing not onely the Horse but also the Foot, that by the meanes of this flaming incounter, their owne Horses turned tailes with such furie, as by their violence overthrew Jeremy and his Armie, without any losse at all to Meldrich. But of this victorie they not long triumphed; for, being within three leagues of Rotenton, in the Valley of Verest Horne; the Tartar with fortie thousand had so beset him, that they were forced to fight with this matchlesse number, where neere thirtie thousand were slaine. The Earle, with some fifteene hundred escaped,3 but the rest were all slaine or taken prisoners:4 as the Historie at large will plainly shew, the times, place, chiefe Commanders, with the manner and order of their battels, and fights, to which I referre you. Thirtie thousand Tartars. A memorable stratagem at the battell of Rottenton.

IN this dismall battell, Nederspol, Veltus, Zarnava, Mavazo, Bavell, and many other Earles, Barons, Colonels, Captaines, brave Gentlemen and Souldiers were slaine. Give me leave to remember the names, and honor the memories of our owne Country-men in those exploits, which as resolutely as the best, in the defence of Christ ∥ and his Gospell ended their daies,5 Batchelor, Hardwicke, Thomas Milemay, Robert Mullynax, Thomas Bishop, Roger Compton, George Davyson, Nicholas Williams, and one John the Scot. These all did what men could doe, and when they could doe no more, left there their martyred bodies, in testimonie of their Martiall minds, onely Ensigne Carlton, and Sergeant Robinson escaped. But Smith amongst the slaughtered dead bodies, with toyle and wounds lay groning, till being found by the Pillagers that he was able to live, and perceiving by his Armour and habit, that his ransome might be better to them then his death, they led him Prisoner with divers other. Well they used him till his wounds were cured, and at Axopolis they were all brought into the Market place and stripped, that the Merchants might see their limbs and wounds, (who had Servants upon purpose to try their strengths) and there sold like beasts. Smith fell to the share of Basha Bogall, who sent him forth-with to Andrinopolis, and so for Constantinople to his faire Mistris for a Slave. By twentie and twentie chained by the necke, they marched in Fyle to this great Citie, where they were delivered to their severall Masters, and he to his young Charatza Tragabigzanda. Englishmen slaine. Ensigne Carlton and Sergeant Robinson escape. Captaine Smith taken. Captaine Smith sold.

This Noble Gentlewoman tooke sometimes occasion to shew him to some friends, or rather to speake with him, and because she could speake Italian, would faine her selfe sicke when shee should goe to the Banias, or weepe over the graves, to know how Bogall tooke him Prisoner, and if he were, as Bogall writ to her, a Bohemian Lord conquered by his hand, with many more which he had with him, whom hee would present her erelong, whose ransomes should adorne her with the glory of his Conquests. But when shee heard him protest he knew no such matter, nor had ever seene Bogall till hee bought him at Axopolis, and that hee was an English-man, onely by his adventures made a Captaine in those Countries: to try the truth, shee found meanes to find out many which could speak English, French, Dutch, and Italian; to whom he relating the most part of those former passages, (which they honestly reported to her) shee tooke as it seemed, much compassion on him. But having no use for him, least her mother should sell him, she sent him to her Brother the Tymor Bashaw of Nalbrits, in the Country of Cambrya in Tartaria. How he was sent into Tartaria.

But let us remember his passing notes in the speculative course6 from Constantinople, by Sander, Pelus, Pannasamusa, Lastilla, to Varna, an ancient Citie upon the blacke Sea, where having little more libertie then his eies judgement, he might see the Townes with their short Towers, in a most excellent plaine, pleasant, and fertile Countrey, full of Villages,7 and dispersed faire buildings, as well in Sagovia as Romania. But from Varna,8 nothing but the blacke Sea, till he came to the two Capes of Taur and Pergillo, which are two muddy Promontories, at the entrance of the Straight Niger, which hatha very deepe Channell; and as he conjectured, ten leagues long, and three broad. At the entrance of the Disabachi Sea, are a great many of high blacke Rocks on each side the Channell to ones thinking, which they said were onely Trees, Weedes, and Muds, throwne from the in-land Countries by the inundations, and by the violence of the Currant cast there by the Eddy: of which as they sayled, they saw many without sight of Land, seeming like high Rockes on low Hands, which are onely great flats of Osie Quagmires, where infinite heapes of Trees doe sticke; and by their waight, time, and multitudes, though the boughes rot, the bodies they say, have made many of those Osie Flats firme Land in many places: Thus sayling this Dissabachi Sea, till hee came betwixt Susack and Curaske, onely two visible Townes appeared at the entrance of the River Bruago.9 In sixe or seven daies sayle, hee saw foure or five, seeming strong Castles of stone, with flat tops and Battlements about them; but ariving at Cambria, he was according to their custome, well used. The Castle was of a large circomference, ten or twelve foote thicke in the foundation. Some sixe foote from it a Palizado, and then a ditch round about, fortie foot broad, full of water: on the one side of it a Towne all of low flat houses, but no great matter as it seemed;10 yet it keeps all that Country in admirable awe and subjection. Three daies he rested there, then it was two daies journey to Nalbrits, the Timors habitation, a place not of much lesse strength then Cambria, where sometimes resideth this Tymor Nalbrits, Brother to the Ladie Tragabigzando. To her unkind Brother this kind Ladie writ so much for his good usage, that hee halfe suspected as much as she intended. For shee told him, he should there but sojourne to learne the language: and what it was to be a Turke, till time made her Master of her selfe. But the Tymor her Brother diverted, and perverted all this to the worst of crueltie: for within an houre after his arrivall, hee caused his Drugman to strip him naked, and shave his head and beard as bare as his hand, a great Ring of Iron with a long stalke bowing like a Sickle about his neck, and a coate made of Ulgrayes haire, much like Haire-cloath, guarded about with a piece of an undressed skinne. There were many other Christian Slaves, but more then two hundred Forsados,1 and he being the last, was Slave of Slaves to them all. Among those slavish fortunes, there was no great choise, for the best was so bad, a Dog could hardly have lived to indure: and yet for all their paines and labour, no more regarded then a Beast. The Tymor and his friends fed upon Pillow, which is boyled Rice and Garnancis, with little bits of Mutton or Buckones, which is rost pieces of Horse, Ulgry, or any Beast. Samboses and Musel- bits are great dainties, and yet but round pies full of all sorts of flesh chopped, with ∥ varietie of Hearbs. Their best drinke is Coffa, made of a Graine, called Coava, boyled with water and Sherberke, which is onely Hony and Water. Mares Milke, or the Milke of any Beast, they hold restorative; but all the Comminaltie drinke pure Water. Their Bread is made of this Coava, which is a kind of blacke Wheate, and Cuscus a small white Seed like Millet in Biskany.2 Our common victuall, was the Intrals and Offall of Horses and Ulgryes; of this cut in small pieces, they will fill a great Cauldron; which being boyled, and with Cuscus put in great bowles in the manner of Chafing-dishes, they sit about it on the ground; after they have raked it through as oft as they please with their fowle fists, the remainder was for the Christian Slaves. Some of this broth they would temper with Cuscus, like Butter for Fritters, and putting the fire off from the hearth, powre there a bowle full, then cover it with coales till it be baked, which stued with the remainder of the broath, and small pieces of flesh, was an extraordinary daintie. The better sort are attired like Turkes, but the plaine Tartar weareth halfe a blacke Sheepes skinne over his backe, two of the legges tyed about his necke, the other two about his middle; with another over his belly, and his legges tyed in like manner behind him: then two skinnes more made like a paire of Bases, serve him for Breeches, with a little Cap close to his skull of course blacke Felt, and they use exceeding much of this Felt for Carpets, for Bedding, for Coates, and Idols. Their houses are much worse then your Irish: but the In-land Countrey hathnone but Carts and Tents, which they ever remove from Countrey to Countrey, as they see occasion, driving with them infinite troups of blacke Sheepe, Cattle, and Ulgryes, eating up all before them as they goe. Varna. A description of the Disabachi or blacke Sea. Cambria. Shaving of Slaves, and hard usage. Millet. Their Attire. Houses. No houses but moveable Tents.

For the Tartars of Nagi, they have neither Towne nor House, Corne nor Drinke, but Flesh and Milke;3 and live all in Hordias, three or foure thousand4 of them in a company, all living in great Carts, fifteene or sixteene foot broad, which is covered over with small Rods, wattled together in the forme of a Birds-nest turned upwards, and with the Ashes of bones, tempered with Oyle, and a Clay they have, and Camels haire, they loome them so wel, that no weather wil pierce them, and yet they are very light. Each Hordia hatha Murse, which they obey as King. Their gods are infinite, but the Crimme Tartar5 and the Tauricks, obey Murtissalla Mahomets chiefe Prophet. One thousand or two thousand of those glittering white Carts drawne with Camels, Deere, Bulls, and Ulgryes, they bring round in a Ring, where they pitch their Campe, and the Murse with his chiefe Alliances are placed in the midst: They doe much hurt when they get any Strogs, which are great Boats, used upon the Edle a River we call Volga, to them that dwell in the Countrey of Poronlog, and would doe much more, were it not for the Muscovits Garisons that there inhabite.6 The Tartars of Nagi.

All the hope7 he had ever to be delivered from this thraldome, was onely the love of Tragabigzanda, who surely was ignorant of his bad usage: for although he had oft debated the matter with some Christians, which had beene there long Slaves, they could not find how to make any escape, by any reason or possibilitie. But God beyond Mans expectation or imagination, helpeth his Servants when they least thinke of helpe, as it hapned to him. In this miserable estate, he became a Thrasher8 at a Grange in a great field, more then a league from the Tymors house. The Bassa as he oft used to visite his grounds, visited him, and tooke occasion so to beate, spurne and revile him, that Smith forgetting all reason, beate out his braines with his bat: and seeing his estate could not be worse then it was, he cloathed himselfe in his cloathes, hid his body under the Straw, filled his Knapsacke with Corne, shut the doores, mounted his Horse, and ranne into the Desart at all adventure: Two or three daies thus fearefully wandring he knew not whither, and well it was hee met not any to aske the way.9 Thus being even as one taking leave of this miserable world, God did direct him to their great way or Custragan, as they call it, which doth crosse those large Territories, and is generally knowne among them by these markes. How Smith escaped his captivitie.

In every crossing of this great way, is planted a Poste, and in it so many bolts with broad ends, as there are waies, and every bolt haththe figure painted over it, that demonstrateth to what part that way leadeth, as that which pointeth towards the Crimmes Countrey, is marked with a halfe Moone: if towards the China, the picture of the Sunne; if towards the Georgians and Persia, a blacke man full of white spots; if towards Muscovy, the signe of a Crosse; if towards the habitation of any other Prince, the figure whereby his Standard is knowne. To his dying spirits thus God added some comfort in this melancholy journey, wherein if he had met any of that vild generation, they had made him their Slave, or sent him backe againe to his Master. Sixteene daies he travelled in this feare and torment after that crosse, till hee arrived at Axopolis, upon the River Don, a Garrison of the Muscovits. The Governor after due examination of those hard events, tooke off his Irons, and so kindly used him, that he thought himselfe newly risen from death. Exopolis.

The most he could learne of these wild Countries was this, that the Countrey of Cambria is two dayes Journey from the head of the great River Bruapo, which springeth from many places of the Mountaynes of Inagachi, that joyne themselves together in the Poole Kerkas, which they account for the head, and falleth into the Sea Dissabach: which receiveth also the River Don, and all the Rivers that fall from the great Countrey of the Circassi, the Caitaches, the Tau- ∥ ricaces, Pricopes, Cumania, Cossunka, and the Crymme, through which See hee sayled, and up the River Bruapo to Nalbrits, and thence through the Deserts of Circassi to Exopolis, as is related, where he stayed with the Governour, till the Convoy went to Coragnaw, then with his Certificate how he found him, and had examined him, with his friendly Letters he sent him by Zumalacke to Coragnaw,1 whose Governor in like manner so kindly used him, that by this means, he went with the safe conduct to Letch and Donka, in Cologosk, and thence to Birniske, and Newgrade, in Seberya, by Rezachica upon the River Niper, in the Confines of Littuania. From whence with as much kindnesse he was conveyed in like manner by Coroskie, Duberosko, Duzihell, Drohobus, and Ostroge in Volonia. Shaslaw and Laxco in Podolia, Halico and Collonia in Polonia, and so to Hermonstat in Transilvania. In all his life he seldome met with more respect, mirth, content and entertaynment, and not any Governour where he came, but gave him somewhat as a Present besides his charges, seeing themselves subject to the like calamitie. And because our Authour hathso thorowly travelled Europe, I have here presented Hondius his Map of Europe.2 The description of Cambria, and his passage to Russia. Bruapo. Don, or Tanais. A faire sunshine after a storme.

Through those poore continually forraged Countries there is no passage, but with the Caravans or Convoyes; for they are Countries rather to bee pittied then envyed, and it is a wonder any should make Warres for them. The Villages are here and there a few Houses of streight Firre-trees, laid heads and points above one another made fast by notches at the ends, more then a mans height, and with broad split boards pinned together with woodden pinnes thatched for coverture: in ten Villages you shall scarce find ten Iron Nayles, except it bee in some extraordinarie mans House. For their Townes, Exopolis, Lech, and Donka have Rampiers made of that woodden walled-fashion, double, and betwixt them Earth and Stones, but so latched with crosse Timber, they are very strong against any thing but fire, and about them a deepe Ditch, and a Pallizado of young Firre-trees, but most of the rest have only a great Ditch cast about ∥ them, and the Ditches Earth is all their Rampier, and the toppe on it round, well environed with Palizadoes; Some have some few small Peeces of small Ordnance and Slings, Curriours and Muskets; but their generallest Weapons are the Russe Bow and Arrowes. In their wayes you shall find pavements over Bogges, only of young Firre-trees laid crosse over one another for two or three houres Journey, or as the passage requires, and yet in two dayes travell, you shall scarce see sixe Habitations. Notwithstanding, to see how their Lords, Governours, and Captaines are civilized, well attyred and accoultred with Jewels, Sables, Horses, and after their manner with curious Furniture, it is wonderfull; but they are all Lords or Slaves, which makes them so subject to every Invasion. His Observations in his Journey to Transilvania, and through the midst of Europe. All Lords, or Slaves.

In Transilvania he found so many good friends, that but to see and rejoyce himselfe after all those Encounters to see his Native Countrey, he would ever hardly have left them, though the Miracle of Vertue, their Prince was absent. Being thus glutted with content, and neere drowned with joy; he passed high Hungaria, by Fylecke, Tocka, Cassovia, and Unaderawa, by Ulmitch in Moravia, to Prague in Bohemia: at last he found the most generous Prince Sigismundus with his Colonell at Lipswicke in Misenland, who gave him his passe, intimating the service hee had done, and the honours he had received with fifteene hundred Duckets of Gold to repaire his losses. With this he spent sometime, to visit the faire Cities and Countries of Dresden in Saxonie, Mandabourge, and Brunswicke Castle in Hessen, Wittenberge, Ulme and Minikin in Bavaria, Ausburge and her Universitie, Hanna, Franckford, Mets, the Palatinate, Wormes, Spire, and Strawsburge. Passing the Cardinalship to Nancey in Loraine, and the Kingdome of France, by Paris to Orleance, he went downe the River of Loyer, to Angers, and imbarked himselfe at Nants in Britania for Bilbow in Biskanie, to see Burgos, Valiodolid, Squeriall, Madrill, Toledo, Cordua, Cuede Ryall, Sivill, Cherges, Cales, and Saint Lucars3 in Spaine. Sigismunds Testimoniall.

Then understanding that the Warres of Mully Shash and Mully Sedan,4 the two Brothers in Barbarie of Fez and Moroco (to which hee was animated by some friends) were concluded in peace, he imbarked himselfe for England with one thousand Duckets in his Purse,5 which after with a great deale more hee employed, in searching more dangers in the West Indies, and the unknowne parts of uncivilized America, where how he discovered and inhabited Virginia, how hee was taken Prisoner by Powhatan, their Emperor 1607. and delivered, how hee tooke the King of Paspahegh, Prisoner in single Combate, and the King of Pamaunke Prisoner in the middest of his Armie, and brought thirtie of their pettie Kings, and all their people in subjection to the English: How since hee hathsearched, and caused a new England, and was taken Prisoner by French Pirats, and escaped: You shall after heare in fitter place. His returne for England.

1. Note that "True" is omitted in this version, and that the more realistic year 1596 is used rather than the unlikely 1593 of the True Travels.

2. Purchas's curtailment of the end of the narrative almost implies that Smith did not go to Africa (see below, p. 1370; cf. the True Travels, 34).

3. This brief phrase replaces chap. 1 of the True Travels (pp. 1–2). Chap. 2 (p. 3) begins: "Thus when France. ..."

4. At this point one line is added in the True Travels, 3; hereafter only substantial alterations will be noted.

5. The details are more fully supplied, ibid.

6. For "Currianver," spelled "Curzianvere" in the True Travels, 3, and other names following, see ibid., 3nn.

7. This spelling points clearly to Mortain in Normandy; the True Travel has "Mortaigne" (see p. 3n).

8. The True Travels, 3, supplies more details.

9. The True Travels adds "of him"; in other words, Smith was glad to turn the wounded Cursell over to the "Inhabitants."

1. The True Travels, 4, adds a significant clause about "Scanderone." There may have been health problems there at the time (see ibid., 4n).

2. The True Travels, 5, inserts three lines regarding the Bertie brothers in Tuscany, which may well have been in the original manuscript but were omitted by Purchas.

3. We may suspect Purchas's editorial scissors here. A single phrase replaces 180 words of the True Travels, 5–6.

4. "Tubliano" is an error for "Lubliano" ("Lubbiano" in the True Travels, 6); correctly, Ljubljana, Slovenia (Yugoslavia).

5. The True Travels has "an English man, and an Irish Jesuite" (ibid.). Dr. Franz Pichler (see p. 1364n, below) has supplied the names of several English and Scottish Jesuits, but this involves an over-literal interpretation, given Purchas's habit of cutting texts erratically. Let us merely say that one or more Jesuits "acquainted" Smith with "Lord Ebersbaught" (of uncertain identity), whom Smith somehow impressed, and that consequently Smith was presented to "Baron Kizell." "Kizell" in real life was Hanns Jacob Khissl, baron of Kaltenbrunn, court war councillor and lieutenant colonel of the Styrian arsenal under Archduke Ferdinand of Styria, cousin of the emperor. Smith had accidentally arrived soon after the surrender to the Turks of the important frontier fort of Kanizsa (in present-day Hungary). The Turkish army was at the time once more pushing toward Styria, after a defeat at Sisak to the SW (in present-day Yugoslavia).

6. This passage is less clear in the True Travels, 6: Smith showed Ebersbaught what he could do, in order to win favor. This is reflected at the top of p. 1364, below.

7. The clause "hee made him ... Souldiers" should be deleted. It is repeated near the middle of p. 1364, and was incorrectly inserted here.

8. Reference to this book is omitted in the True Travels, 6, but supplied toward the bottom of p. 22 as a marginal note. For a discussion of Ferneza and his "Storie," see the editor's introduction to this fragment.

9. This subtitle is omitted in the True Travels, where the long quotation from "Fr. Fer." (in italics) is called "this ensuing Discourse" (p. 6), and is replaced by "Chap[ter] IV" and a new subtitle extolling Smith. Purchas's use of italics here has been mentioned in the editor's introduction to this fragment.

1. According to the 16th-century historian Wolfgang Lazius, the German place-name Limbach was "[Latin] Olimacum with the 'o' cut off by barbarians" (quoted in Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith [Boston, 1964], 407, n. 6). "Olimpach" (True Travels, "Olumpagh") thus seems to be someone's attempt to get back to Latin. The entire military situation in the region has been explained by Günther Cerwinka in his monograph "Die Eroberung der Festung Kanizsa durch die Türken im Jahre 1600" (The conquest of the Kanizsa fort by the Turks in 1600), with a comprehensive map showing the military maneuvers, in Alexander Novotny and Berthold Sutter, eds., Innerösterreich 1564–1619 (Graz, [1968]), 409–511.

2. Ebersbaught was the governor, not a general (True Travels, 6n). In the editor's Three Worlds the suggestion has been made that he was possibly Sigismund Eibiswald (d. 1607), who had many family connections in the area (see pp. 405–406, n. 5), among them the Paradeiser family, at least one branch of which was Protestant (J. Franz Pichler, "Captain John Smith in the Light of Styrian Sources," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXV [1957], 332–354). The editor wishes here to acknowledge the particular help of Dr. Pichler, chief archivist of the Steiermärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz, who has dug deep into all available source material.

3. The True Travels, 7, has "ten thousand."

4. "Eysnaburge" is closer to the German name Eisenburg (Hungarian, Vasvar, "Iron-town") than "Hysnaburg" in the True Travels, 7. The town, long since county seat, is c. 65 air km. (40 mi.) NE of Lendava on the S border of a large plain N of the Raab River, 15 km. (9 mi.) downstream from Körmend (see n, below).

5. "Knousbruck" in the True Travels, 7. Although "Knousbruck" could be a distortion of "Gnasbruck," and "Konbrucke" possibly of "Hohenbrugg," the former is over 40 air km. (25 mi.) WNW of Lendava, and the latter the same distance due N. A modern bridge over the Črnac River (Most and Črncu), which the editor noticed a few kilometers S of Lendava, seems to correspond better with Smith's narrative.

6. Körmend (German, Kermend) was at the time the "center of the system of fortresses" in the defense line N of Kanizsa; it would otherwise "not have been important enough" for Smith to have known about it "without personal experience" (Pichler, "Smith in Styrian Sources," VMHB, LXV [1957], 352).

7. In the True Travels Smith inserted the earl of Meldritch's family name, Voldo (p. 7), and his given name, Henry (pp. 15–16). This is the first significant example of what appear to be fictional names, a number of which are scattered through the following pages.

8. Tentative moves toward peace began in 1599 (see the editor's introduction), and some progress had been made when the grand vizier Ibrahim Pasha died, July 10, 1601. The fall of Szekesfehervar, described next, ended all immediate hopes.

9. Gen. Giorgio Basta was an Italian of Albanian descent (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 409, n. 3, and the Biographical Directory). In the absence of an impartial study, it may be hazarded that Basta was a strictly military man, and that he had no patience with, or understanding of, that epitome of Balkandom, the principality of Transylvania, or its hereditary but unstable prince, Zsigmond Báthory. Basta's "mission," to use modern military jargon, was to oust Báthory (suspected of connivance with the Turks) and to "save" the country for Rudolph II of Habsburg.

1. Cf. the True Travels, 8. After the semicolon and the phrase "but in briefe," a passage seems to have been omitted. The sense requires something to the effect that Meldritch heard from escaped Christians about gatherings of crowds in the public squares whenever there was an alarm, and that he remembered that Smith had demonstrated his "fiery dragons" in Komarom to both him and the chief of artillery, von Sultz. He then suggested that Smith put the idea into practice, "which he thus performed." Cf. the "fire-pots" described in The Pirotechnia of Vannoccio Biringuccio (Venice, 1540), trans. Cyril Stanley Smith and Martha Teach Gnudi (New York, 1942), 434–435.

2. Karl Ludwig Graf von Sultz was chief of artillery in the imperial army at the time (Pichler, "Smith in Styrian Sources," VMHB, LXV [1957], 353–354). This detail virtually attests Smith's presence in person. For "Comora" (Komarom), see the True Travels, 8n; it may have been chosen for winter quarters because of a hoped-for peace (cf. Richard Knolles, The Turkish History, from the original of that nation to the growth of the Ottoman Empire..., 6th ed. [London, 1687–1700 (orig. publ. 1603)], I, 793a; and Gustav Bayerle, Ottoman Diplomacy in Hungary: Letters from the Pashas of Buda, 1590–1593 [Bloomington, Ind., 1972]).